Tli LIFE
OF
N VNAEL
iENEBA^
" \fter this manner soid they," who h^ «een hir
nor saw 1
THE LIFE
OF
NATHANAEL GREENE
Major-General in the Army of the Revolution.
BY
GEORGE WASHINGTON GREENE,
AUTHOR OF "historical VIEW OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.'
'li; <}>a.(Tav, ot ixiv ISovTo novevfievov ' ov yap eyiuye
'HtTTjo'' ovSi ISov • Trepi &' dAAwv <f>0UTl yevicrBai.
Iliad iv. 374.
"After this manner said they, who had seen him toiling ; but I ne'er
Met him myself, nor saw him : men say he was greater than others."
IN THREE VOLUMES.
VOL. I.
NEW YORK:
G. P. PUTNAM AND SON,
1867.
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1867, by
ANXA M. GREENE,
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of New York.
University Press : Welch, Bigelow, & Co.,
CA.MDRIDGE.
TO
HENRY WADSWORTH LONGFELLOW.
My dear Longfellow,
Thirty-nine years ago this month of April,
you and I were together at Naples, wandering
np and down amid the wonders of that histor-
ical city, and, consciously in some things and un-
consciously in others, laying up those precious
associations which are youth's best preparation
for age. We were young then, with life all be-
fore us ; and, in the midst of the records of a
great past, our thoughts would still turn to our
own future. Yet, even in looking forward, they
caught the coloring of that past, making things
bright to our eyes, which, from a purely American
point of view, would have worn a different aspect.
From then till now the spell of those days has
been upon us.
One day — I shall never forget it — we returned
IV DEDICATION.
at sunset from a long afternoon amid the statues
and relics of the Museo Borbonico, Evening was
coming on with a sweet promise of the stars ;
and our minds and hearts were so full that we
could not think of shutting ourselves up in our
rooms, or of mingling with the crowd on the
Toledo. We wanted to be alone, and yet to
feel that there was life all around us. We went
up to the flat roof of the house, where, as we
walked, we could look down into the crowded
street, and out upon the wonderful bay, and
across the bay to Ischia and Capri and Sorrento,
and over the house-tops and villas and vineyards
to Vesuvius. The ominous pillar of smoke hung
suspended above the fatal mountain, reminding
us of Pliny, its first and noblest victim. A golden
vapor crowned the bold joromontory of Sorrento,
and we thought of Tasso. Capri was calmly sleep-
ing, like a sea-bird upon the waters ; and we
seemed to hear the voice of Tacitus from across
the gulf of eighteen centuries, telling us that the
historian's pen is still powerful to absolve or to
condemn long after the imperial sceptre has fallen
from the withered hand. There, too, lay the na-
tive island of him whose daring mind conceived
the fearful vengeance of the Sicilian Vespers.
We did not yet know Niccolini ; but his grand
DEDICATION. V
verses had already begun their work of regen-
eration in the Italian heart. Virgil's tomb was
not far off. The spot consecrated by Sannaz-
zaro's ashes was near us. And over all, with a
thrill like that of solemn music, fell the splen-
dor of the Italian sunset.
We talked and mused by turns, till the twilight
deepened and the stars came forth to mingle
their mysterious influences with the overmaster-
ing magic of the scene. It was then that you
unfolded to me your plans of life, and showed
me from w^hat " deep cisterns " you had already
learned to draw. From that day the office of
literature took a new place in my thoughts. I
felt its forming power as I had never felt it
before, and began to look with a calm resigna-
tion upon its trials, and with true appreciation
upon its rewards. Thenceforth, little as I have
done of what I wished to do, literature has been
the inspiration, the guide, and the comfort of my
life. And now, in giving to the world the first,
perhaps the only, work for which I dare hope a
life beyond my own, the memory of those days
comes back to me, and tells me that, loving me
still in the fulness of your fame as you loved
me in the hour of aspiration, you will not be
unwilling to see your name united with mine
VI DEDICATION.
upon these pages, which but for your counsel
and your sympathy would never have been
written.
Ever, my dear Longfellow,
Faithfully and affectionately yours,
GEORGE WASHINGTON GREENE.
East Greenwich, R. I., April 3, 1867.
PKEFACE
1"^HE intention of -writing this work was formed in
- early youth, and has been kept constantly in view
through the checkered fortunes of maturer years. The
plan has often changed under the influence of a wider
study of books, and a more extensive observation of men.
The purpose has never lost the hold which it first took
upon my youthful imagination.
I was born and grew up in the midst of men and women
who had known my grandfather as a public and a private
man, and seen him in all the various relations of life. In
my seventeenth year I became the inmate of the house of
one of his dearest friends. General Lafayette. Among all
who had known him I found but one opinion both of his
greatness and his goodness, of the vigor and depth of his
mind, of the warmth and purity of his heart.
In 1846 I wrote, at the request of Mr. Sparks, the Life
which forms the tenth volume of the second series of his
American Biography. I wrote it at Rome, from the com-
mon printed authorities, and, as I expressly stated, not as
the result of my studies, but as an earnest of what I some
day hoped to do with Greene's letters before me. On my
return to the United States I received from my cousin,
Phineas Miller Nightingale (second son of General Greene's
eldest daughter, Martha Washington) the family papers
which had passed into his hands, and began a careful study
VIU PREFACE.
of mj subject in these authentic documents. Every page
that I read confirmed my original opinion, and strength-
ened my first intention. I resolved that nothing should
prevent me from telling the full story of my grandfather's
life, and claiming for him the gratitude Avhich is his due
from all generations of his countrymen.
The life of General Greene falls by a natural diA-ision
into two parts ; the first of which is strictly biographical,
the second historical. In the first, his position is that of
a subordinate officer, who, whatever influence he may
exert, is never the acknowledged source of controlling
movements. Events do not revolve around him as their
common centre. His actions are parts of the actions of
other men. However just his views, he cannot enforce
them without the consent of an official superior. How-
ever well done all that he does may be, the narrative of
it, if confined to that alone, would leave half of the story
untold. Such was Greene's public hfe, from 1775 to his
appointment to the command of the Southern army in
October, 1780.
From that moment his life becomes history, — the history
of the Carolinas and Georgia. Military movements origi-
nate with him. The restoration of ci%nl government de-
pends upon the success of his arms. The resources of
the country are draAvn forth and administered by his will.
If you would understand events, you must seek the expla-
nation of them in his letters and reports. Battles and
sieges and marches are parts of the general plan which he
conceived, and dependent for their historical importance
upon the measure in which they contributed to the ac-
complishment of that plan. This fundamental difference
PREFACE. IX
of character requires a corresponding difference of treat-
ment.
Therefore, in the first part of this work Greene's
thoughts and feehngs, the growth of his mind and the for-
mation of his character, compose the picture. The war is
the frame in which it is set. Of him I have told all that I
could learn ; of the war, only so much as was necessary in
order to understand the part which he took therein. Of the
story of these five years Washington is the representative
hero. The other generals are grouped around him in
due subordination. First and nearest to him of all stands
Greene, with Washington's "great arm leaning upon him."
No one will read these volumes of mine who has not already
made himself familiar with the general history of the war,
either in the careful pages of Sparks or the charming narra-
tive of Irving. No American can feel that he has done
his duty to himself or his country who has not read both.
In my first two volumes I have drawn freely from
General Greene's correspondence, inserting many letters
entire, and giving copious extracts from others. But
while I have still made this correspondence the basis of
my third volume also, I have used it rather as the mate-
rial from which my narrative was to be woven than as a
narrative in itself. The psychological study was already
complete. The character of the General was already
formed before he took the command of the Southern
army, as the character of the man was formed before he
took command of the Rhode Island army of observation.
From what he had already done it was easy to conjecture
what he would do. Every report of a new step in the
reconquest of the South came to Washington not merely
X PREFACE.
as welcome tidings, but as a fulfilment of expectations. " I
think I am sending you a general," he had written, when
he aimounced Greene's appointment to a Southern cor-
respondent. " This brilliant manoeuvre is another proof
of the singular abilities which that officer possesses," he
wrote, when the " report of the judicious and successful
movement of General Greene, by which he compelled
the enemy to abandon their outposts,"* reached him.
Therefore, while Greene is kept almost exclusively in
view througli the first two volumes, in the" third other
characters are brought prominently forward, who hold
somewhat of the same relation to him which he held to
Washington. The canvas is more crowded, and he, in
turn, becomes the central figure of a noble group.
I trust that I shall not be suspected of indulging a
puerile vanity, if I claim for Greene's family a different
position from that which lias been assigned them by pre-
vious historians. To my conception of personal dignity,
it is a matter of absolute indifference whether General
Greene's ancestors were men of fortune or day-laborers ;
whether his father aided the work of his brain by the
work of his hands, or passed his life in guiding and con-
trolling the work of other men. But, as a Iiistorical fact,
I have thought it my duty to say, that, from the first emi-
grant downward, the Greenes filled prominent and im-
portant positions in public life ; that the branch from
which the General sprang was early engaged in manufac-
tures and farming, upon a scale which implies the com-
mand of wliat must, in those days, have been a large
capital ; and that the General's father devoted the chief
* Sparks's Washington, Vol. VIII. p. 241.
PREFACE. XI
of his time to the utilization of that capital. In colonial
life there is no room for idle men or women, and habits
of industry and thrift were laid deep in the founda-
tions of the Colony of Rhode Island. It was no espe-
cial merit of the Greenes that their industry had been
fruitful, but it would have deprived them of all claim to
the respect of their contemporaries, if, while all around
them labored, they alone had been idle. In a country
so full of life and future as ours, where the merit of the
father is a pledge instead of an inheritance, and events
and actors follow each other with such rapidity that the
link between the present and the past seems constantly
to be slipping from our grasp, family pride has but a thin
and barren soil to grow in. But while blood carries
with it no privilege, and to be the grandson of a great
man conveys no share in his greatness, there are obliga-
tions independent of privilege, and a duty to country and
to the truth of history, obedience to which is often mis-
taken by the thoughtless for vanity or pride. Here and
elsewhere I claim for General Greene the place which
his contemporaries gave him. I claim it upon the au-
thority of his written words, and of his acts as recorded
by those who saw and shared in them. The nature of
historical evidence must change before his position can be
changed.
In using the manuscript letters from which so large a
part of my work is drawn, I have not allowed myself to
make any alterations either in grammar or phraseology.
General Greene habitually uses " is " for " are," and occa-
sionally makes other mistakes, which a stroke of the pen
would correct. I have not felt at liberty to attribute to him
XU PREFACE.
a grammatical accuracy which lie did not possess, or to give
to his letters the false coloring of strict propriety of con-
struction. His language is generally good, his sentences
clear, his expression forcible. But the habits of early life
were too stronfj in minor details for the associations of later
life ; and, admirable as his letters are in the higher qual-
ities of composition, — thought distinctly, precisely, and
vigorously expressed, — they still betray the deficiencies
of his education. In the orthography, though generally
correct, I have not hesitated to follow the modern stand-
ard.
Besides the papers of General Greene, which of them-
selves form a collection of over six thousand documents,
I have made free use of the Washington papers in the
Department of State at Washington ; of the Gates and
Steuben papers in the library of the Historical Society of
New York ; of the Heath papers in the library of the
Historical Society of Massachusetts ; of some very impor-
tant papers in the library of the Philosophical Society of
Pennsylvania ; and have had copies from the Sullivan,
Reed, Lincoln, Pickering, Glover, Varnum, and Wadsworth
papers, through the courtesy of their owners. Among the
printed authorities, I have placed great confidence in Gor-
don, whose letters to the principal actors in the war show
how carefully he performed the historian's first duty, — the
search of truth. Of the American Archives it is needless
to speak, except to express the regret which not only every
student of American history, but every American honora-
bly jealous for the good name of his country, must feel
that the hands of such a man as Peter Force should have
been arbitrarily stayed in a work worthy of the industry
PREFACE. XI 11
of a Muratori, and the critical acumen of a Gibbon. Mr.
Sparks's "Washington," and "Correspondence of the Rev-
ohition," I have used with constantly increasing respect for
the good sense and conscientious love of truth whic'li were
leading characteristics of that excellent man. I have also,
among modem authorities, consulted with great advantage
" The Battles of the United States, by H. B. Dawson,"
whose habits of minute reference cannot be too highly
commended.
The public acknowledgment of the kind offices upon
which works like this are so largely dependent is one of the
pleasantest duties of the historian. My thanks are espe-
cially due to my cousin, Phineas Miller Nightingale, of Cum-
berland Island, Georgia, for efficient aid in the collection of
materials; to my lifelong fiiend, William H. Richards of
New York, for assistance in the laborious task of arranging
them ; and to my cousin, Lieutenant-Governor William
Greene, of Warwick, R. I., for important papers, and still
more important counsel. During my visits to Washington
I was allowed by my venerable friend, Peter Force, free
access to his library, the most valuable in existence in this
department of study ; and what no library could have af-
forded,— a free communication of the treasures of tradi-
tion and anecdote with which he had stored his memory
in the course of a life devoted to the illustration of Amer-
ican history. I have already spoken of what I owe to the
publications of Mr. Sparks. I owe still more to the deep
interest which he took in my labors, — an interest begin-
ning when they began, and ending only with his life.
To George H. Moore, Friedrich Kapp, William B. Reed,
Charles F. Adams, Henry B. Dawson, Thomas C. Am-
XIV PREFACE.
ory, George Brinley, Benjamin Lincoln, Charles Deane,
Richard R. Ward, Peyton Skipwyth, Robert H. Ives,
John S. Littell, Octavius Pickering, Henry E. Turner,
James H. Eldredge, Daniel H. Greene, Townsend Ward,
and the family of the late Thomas Biddle of Philadelphia, I
am under great obligations, — to some of them for copies
of documents, to some for the loan of books, and to some
for aid in the investigation of particular questions. A part
of my long labors was cheered by the active sympathy
of my kinsman, Samuel Ward Greene. Nor can I ever
forget the assistance given me by my friends, Charles
Sumner, Charles Butler, and James S. Thayer m my en-
deavors to obtain the aid of Congress for the publication
of General Greene's correspondence, — an assistance none
the less prized for the failure of the object for which it
was given. To each and all of these gentlemen I would
tender my sincere thanks. Alas that those thanks can
no longer reach the ear of another friend, — George Sum-
ner, — whose wise counsels and affectionate zeal cheered
and strengthened the first years of my labors, but whom
death has not permitted to see their close.
It is not without many doubts and misgivings that I part
from these companions of laborious years. It is impossible
to write words so akin to farewell and not feel a sadness
steal over you, like the sadness of him who pauses upon
the threshold and looks behind him through eves dimmed
by tears, before he turns his face from the familiar home-
stead forever. In sickness and in health, in joy and in
sorrow, in my native land, with its present crowding re-
lentlessly upon the past ; under foreign skies, where the
past still controls and gives its own coloring to the pres-
PREFACE. XV
ent, — I have ever cherished the hope of telhng this story
of the life of an American of the heroic age of American
history. And, now that my task is done and these pages
pass from under my control, stronger than every personal
feeling is the fear that, through some error or shortcoming
of my own, I may have failed to do justice to a great and
good man, and incurred thereby the guilt of dimming one
of the brightest pages of the annals of my country. If I
have failed, it has not been from want of industry to search
for the truth, nor of courage to tell it. As my documents
have dictated, so have I written. My errors — and in
every history there will be errors — are the offspring of in-
voluntary ignorance or unconscious misconstruction. Who-
ever will point them out to me will do me an office of
friendship which I shall be the first to acknowledge, and
the last to forget.
G. W. G.
East Greenwich, R. I., October 21, 1867.
CONTENTS.
BOOK FIRST.
FROM HIS BIRTH TO HIS APPOINTMENT AS COMMANDER OF
THE RHODE ISLAND ARMY OF OBSERVATION.
1742-1775.
CHAPTER I.
PAGE
Potowomut. — John Greene. — Birth of Nathanael Greene. —
The Quaker Preacher and his Family. — Habits and Customs
of the Times. — Anecdotes of Nathanael Greene. — Quaker
Views of Literature. — Nathanael's First Studies. — Giles and
the Holiday Walk. — East Greenwich. — Master Maxwell. —
New Studies. — The Winter-Evening Fireside. — The Eight
Sons. — Colonial Traditions. — Pocket Money. — The Sail to
Newport. — Buying Books. — Dr. Stiles. . . ' . . .3
• CHAPTER II.
Greene's Studies. — New Acquaintances. — Lindley Murray. —
Visit to New York. — John Jay. — Inoculation. — Family
Lawsuit. — Greene reads Law Books. — Growth of Mind. —
Personal Appearance. — Manners and Habits 21
CHAPTER III.
Potowomut. — The Farm. — The Forge and Mills. — Coventry.
— Whence the Iron for the Forge came. — From Potowomut
to Coventry. — The New House. — Greene among his Neigh-
bors. — David Howell 29
CHAPTER IV.
Death of Greene's Father. — Greene a Voter. — First Steps in
Public Life. — First Political Letter. — In the Assembly. —
Gasper. — Takes his Stand. — William Greene of Warwick.
— Henry Marchant. — Progress of the Revolution. — Greene's
b
XVlll CONTENTS.
Opinion of Governor AVard as Delegate to Congress. — Militia
Laws Revised. — Kentish Guards. — James M. Varnum. —
Christopher Greene. — Letter to Varnum. — Trip to Boston
to buy a Musket 39
CHAPTER V.
Inner Life. — Mental Culture. — How and what he studied. —
His Library. — Study of Composition. — Letters to S. Ward,
Jr. — Quaker Prejudices against Literature. — Glimpses of his
Daily Life and Habits. — Forge burned. — A Lottery. — Let-
ter to William Greene. — Asthma. — In Love. — Why he
loved S. Ward. — S. Ward's Sister. — Progress of the Dis-
pute with England. — Greene resolves to take up Arms. —
Read out of the Meeting. — Threatened Accusation. — Military
Reading. — Rhode Island College. — Courtship and Marriage.
— Domestic Life. — Rapid Development of Public Opinion. —
Tea burued in Market Scjuare, Providence. — Battle of Lex-
ington. — i\Iai'ch of Kentish Guards. — Assembly meets. —
Army of Observation. — Mission to Connecticut. — Greene
chosen Brigadier-General. — Commission. — Farewell Letter
to his Wife 52
BOOK SECOND.
FROM niS APPOINTMENT TO THE COMMAND OF THE RHODE
ISLAND ARMY OF OBSERVATION TO HIS APPOINTMENT AS
QUARTERMASTER-GENERAL.
1775-1778.
CHAPTER I.
New Phase in Greene's Life. — Condition of Rhode Island Camp.
— Effects of his Presence. — Council of War at Cambridge. —
Ward's Head-quarters. — Colonial Troops independent of
each other. — Greene devotes himself to disciplining his Bri-
gade. — Difficulties of the Task. — Drunkenness. — Punish-
ments. — Hard Work. — Treated with " Great Respect " by
the General Officers. — Bunker Hill. — Active Sie"-e. — Dis-
honest Agents. — Arrival of Washington. — Charles Lee. —
Greene sends an Address to Washington. — His Satisfaction
at Wa.'ihington's Appointment. 87
CONTENTS. XIX
CHAPTER II.
Washington's Arrival tlie Besi;innin<j of a New Period. — His
Staff. — Mifflin. —Trumbull. — Reed. — Gates. — Army of the
United Colonies. — New Organization. — Three Grand Divis-
ions. — Greene on Prospect Hill. — Gradual Extension of the
Works. — Death of Adjutant Mumford. — All Eyes fixed on
Boston. — Parties to Camp. — The Country calls for a Bat-
tle. — Want of Powder. — Waste of Powder. — Preparations
for Defence. — Extracts from General Orders. . . .102
CHAPTER III.
Term of Service of the Army most out. — Congress sends a Com-
mittee to Camp. — Greene's Impressions of Franklin. — His
first Intercourse with Southern Members of Congi-ess. — His
Efibrts to do away with Sectional Jealousies. — Lord Sheffield.
— Church's Treason. — Gradual Growth of a Desire for Inde-
pendence. — Extracts fi-om Greene's Letters to Governor
AVard. — His Idea of the Duty of Congress. — An Army of
Seventy Thousand Men. — Feelings of the People. . .116
CHAPTER IV.
Greene's Life, Habits, and Associates in Camp. — Letter to his
AVife. — Christopher Greene and Samuel Ward join the
Canada Expedition. — Interest awakened by it. — Anxiety
caused by the Burning of Falmouth. — By the Progress of
Enlistment. — Extracts from Letters. — Ojjinion on giving
Bounties. — Mistake of Congress. — Old Troops go. — New
Troops come. — Arms retained. — New Year. — The Flag.
— Scanty Supplies. — Small-Pox. — Mrs. Greene in Camp.
— Siege draws to a Close. — Dorchester Heights occupied.
— Preparations for an Attack. — Storm. — Evacuation of
Boston 130
CHAPTER V.
Perplexing Conduct of the Enemy. — Fortifications of Bos-
ton. — Greene in Command of the City. — Letter to Colonel
Nightingale. — Thursday Lecture. — Marching Orders. —
Alarm in Rhode Island. — March to New York. — Prepara-
tions for Defending the City. — Greene appointed to com-
mand Fourth Brigade. — Command on Long Island. — For-
XX CONTENTS.
tifications. — Alarm Signals. — Tories. — John Jay. — Gou-
verneur Morris. — Reconnoitring with Knox. — Forts Wash-
ington and Independence. — Brigade and Regimental Re-
ports , . 149
CHAPTER VI.
Death of Governor Ward. — Correspondence with John Adams.
— Tone and Character of it. — The new Army. — DifBculties
in Raising and Organizing it. — Provisions for the Disabled.
— Condition of the Officers. — Principles of Promotion. —
Insufficient Pay of Soldiers and Officers. — Exaggerated
Ideas of the Strength of the Army. — Rhode Island Declara-
tion of Independence. — Letters to Washington. — Alexander
Hamilton. — Mrs. Greene at Camp 1 70
CHAPTER VII.
Enemy's Ships begin to arrive at the Hook. — Constant Watch-
ing.— Alarms in the Country. — Tories. — Threatened Duel
in Greene's Division. — English Fleet at the Narrows. — Ar-
rival of the Hessians. — Hitchcock's Regiment. — Militia. —
First Marching Orders. — Removal of Cattle and Grain. —
Dangerous Illness. — Carried to New York. — Battle of
Long Island. 195
CHAPTER VIII.
•
Condition of the Army after the Battle of Long Island. —
Greene convalescent. — Letter to Washington. — Council
of War. — Unfortunate Decision. — Greene urges the Call
of a New Council. — Decision reversed. — Retreat from New
York. — Battle of Harlem. — Greene in Command in the
Jerseys. — What was thought of him. — His Idea of what
should be done. — Preparations for Defence. — His Opinion
of Congress. — Letters to Governor Cooke. — Resolves of
Congress. — Public Opinion. — Privateering. — Hospitals. —
Recommendation of Officers for the New Army. — Charles
Leo 208
CHAPTER IX.
Howe in Motion. — Greene to Washington. — Expedition to
Statcn Island. — Called to Council at Head-quarters. — Let-
CONTENTS. XXI
ters, and Extracts from Letters. — Foreshadowings of the
Quartermaster-General. — Greene's Troops. — The Passage
of the Hudson. —Letters to Congress and General Mifflin. 234
CHAPTER X.
Letters to Washington. — Barracks at Fort Independence burnt.
— Letters to Washington. — Letter to Mrs. Greene — John
Clark to General Greene. — The Group at Fort Lee. — Har-
rison to Greene 247
CHAPTER XI.
Movements of the Enemy. — Magaw on the Alert. — Greene to
Washington. — Harrison to Greene. — Washington to Greene.
— Greene to Washington. — Preparations for Defence. —
Letters to and from Greene. — Washington at Fort Lee. —
Fall of Fort Washington 260
a
CHAPTER XII.
Fall of Fort Lee. — Different Accounts of it. — Retreat through
the Jerseys. — Greene's Hopes. — Letters. — Inefficiency of
Congress. — Embarrassments of Washington's Position. —
Ampler Powers conferred on Washington. — Greene to Gov-
ernor Cooke. 276
CHAPTER XIII.
Washington's Confidence in Greene excites Jealousy. — Charles
Lee. — Greene's Share in the Jersey Campaign. — Surprise
of Trenton. — Letters. — Greene in Favor of following up the
Surprise. — The Assanpink. — Princeton. — March to Morris-
town 296
CHAPTER XIV.
Effect of Success on the Country and the Army. — Position of
the Army. — Recreations of Winter Quarters. — Washington's
Anxiety. — Greene shares it. — State Rights. — Death of Col-
onel Hitchcock. — Greene's Regret for the Loss of Mercer. —
Greene in want of a Horse. — Expects Active Work. — Dif-
ficulties in Raising the New Army. — Correspondence with
Governor Cooke. — Defends Washington. — Letters and Ex-
XXll CONTENTS.
tracts. — Change Produced on the Character of the War by
the Declaration of Independence. — Bounties. — Inoculation.
— Delays caused by a Weak Government 308
CHAPTER XV.
Improved State of Public Feeling. — Successful E.xpeditions
and their Effect. — Hamiltoa's Entrance into Washington's '
Family. — Correspondence with John Adams resumed. —
Washington's Opinion of the Policy of Congress in the Case
of General Lee. — Growth of Hostility in Congress towards
Washington. — Greene sent to Philadelphia. — Appears be-
fore Congress. — Committee appointed to confer with him. —
Letters. — Life in Philadelphia. — Returns to Camp. . . 331
CHAPTER XVI.
Greene's Return to Camp. — Birth of his Second Daughter. —
Governor Livingston's Family. — Letter to Mrs. Greene. —
Anxiety about Rhode Island. — Correspondence with Arnold.
— Spring. — Army not yet raised. -^ Letter to J. Adams. —
Doubts and Conjectures about the Enemy's Plans. — At-
tempt to surprise General Lincoln. — American Retaliation.
— Plans, Positions, Reports, and Conjectures. — Greene sent
with Knox to examine the Passes of the Hudson. — Reports
and Letters to Washington. — Return to Morristown. — Let-
ters to his Wife 355
CHAPTER XVII.
Scanty Numbers of the New Army. — Greene's Division. — Wee-
don. — Muhlenber<j. — Exchanges a Regiment with Sullivan.
— New Aid. — Washington's Position. — Howe's Plan. —
Lee's Treason. — Conjectures and Perplexity of the Ameri-
cans. — Preparations for the Campaign. — Howe's Manoeuvres.
— Americans Advance on Brunswick. — Howe foiled. — Dis-
asters in the North. — Greene expects to be sent North. —
Washington unwilling to part with him. — Veil partly lifted.
— March to the Delaware 380
CHAPTER XVIII.
Greene, Sullivan, and Knox on the Point of resigning. — Their
Conduct misrepresented. — Defects of the Civil Government
CONTENTS. XXlll
of the Revolution. — Change in the Relations between Con-
gress and the Country. — Relations of Congress to the State
Governments. — To the Army. — Opposition and Collisions.
— Question of Promotion. — Letters to John Adams. — For-
eign Officers. — Du Coudray. — Conditional Tender of Res-
ignation.— Congress very angry. — Resolutions. — Interrup-
tion of Greene's Correspondence with John Adams. — Letter
to President of Congress 402
CHAPTER XIX.
American Army on the Banks of the Delaware. — Perplexed
by Howe's Movements. — Different Opinions about them. —
Uneasiness caused by the Evacuation of Ticonderoga. —
Glimpse of Inner Life. — Schuyler and New England Offi-
cers. — Letters and Extracts. — Council of War. — Lafay-
ette. — Army on the Point of Moving Northward. — Howe
in Chesapeake Bay. — American Army marches Southward.
— March through Philadelphia. — Washington Reconnoitring.
— Camp at Red Clay Creek. — Greene condemns the Posi-
tion. — Henry Lee. — Army at Chad's Ford. — Battle of the
Brandywine . . 428
CHAPTER XX.
American Army not discouraged by their Defeat. — March to
Germantown, — Sullivan unjustly blamed. — Weedon dis-
satisfied. — Greene and Washington. — Preparations for ad-
vancing towards the Enemy. — Advance to Warren's Tavern.
— Battle prevented by a Storm. — Greene's Choice of a
Position. — Marches and Countermarches. — Howe deceives
the Americans, and crosses the Schuylkill. .... 454
CHAPTER XXI.
Howe in Philadelphia. — Straitened for Provisions. — Wash-
ington's Preparations for the Defence of the Delaware. —
Council of War oppose a Battle. — Further Intelligence. —
Battle decided upon. — Advance of the Army and Battle of
Germantown. 470
CHAPTER XXII.
Beginning of the Cabal against Washington. — Forts on the
Delaware. — Christopher Greene. — Operations on both Sides
XXIV CONTENTS.
of the Delaware. — Attack of Ked Bank. — Defeat and
Death of Donop. — Rejoicings of the Americans. — Colonel
Greene thanked by Congress and congratulated by "Washing-
ton and General Greene. — Washington anxious to attack
the British. — Movements for the Support of Fort Mifflin.
— Attack and Fall of Fort Mifflin 482
CHAPTER XXIII.
Howe resolved to have the Left Bank of the Delaware. — Corn-
wallis sent to secure it. — Greene sent to oppose him. —
Reasons for disliking the Service. — Conway's Letter to
Gates. — Ought Red Bank to be held ? — Greene on the
March. — Letter to his Wife. — Crosses the Delaware. — Let-
ter to Yarnum. — To Washington. — Fort Mercer evacuated.
— Greene's Prospects not bright. — Glover's Brigade. — Colo-
nel Comstock. — Council at Head-quarters on attacking
Philadelphia. — Letters to and from Washington. — Greene
rejoins the main Army. — Contemporary Opinion of his Con-
duct.— Marshall's Opinion 510
CHAPTER XXIV.
Winter March to Valley Forge. — The Valley. — Hut Build-
ing! — The Encampment. — Position condemned by De Kalb
and Varnum. — Alarm from the Enemy. — Distress of the
Army for Food. — Letters. — Discontent. — Congressional
Committee. — Greene sent to collect Supplies. — Letters to
Washington 536
CHAPTER XXV.
Momentary Relief of the Army. — Greene's daily Duties. —
Social Life in Camp. — Lafayette, Steuben, Duponceau, De
Kalb, Fleury, &c. — Appearance of the Encampment. — AVhat
Men talked about. — Rhode Island's Negro Regiment. — Steu-
ben's Arrival and first Steps in Disciplining the Army. . . 564
LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE,
BOOK FIRST.
FROM HIS BIRTH TO HIS APPOINTMENT AS COM-
MANDER OF THE RHODE ISLAND ARMY
OF OBSERVATION.
1742-1775.
BOOK FIRST.
FROM HIS BIRTH TO HIS APPOINTMENT AS COMMANDER
OF THE RHODE ISLAND ARMY OF OBSERVATION.
1742-1775.
CHAPTER I.
Potowomut. — John Greene. — Birtli of Natlianael Greene. — The
Quaker Preacher and his Family. — Habits and Customs of the
Times. — Anecdotes of Nathanael Greene. — Quaker Views of
Literature. — Nathanael's First Studies. — Giles and the Holiday
Walk. — East Greenwich. — Master Maxwell. — New Studies. —
The Winter-Evening Fireside. — The Eight Sons. — Colonial Tradi-
tions. — Pocket Money. — The Sail to Newport — Buying Books.
— Dr. Stiles.
/~\N the western shore of Narraganset Bay, and
^-^ midway almost between the northern and
southern extremities of the State of Rhode Island,
lies a tract of land still known by its Indian name
of Potowomut, or place of all the fires.^ It is a
peninsula of unequal width, though about two
miles wide in its broadest part, and bounded on
the south by a fresh-water river, navigable for
small craft for about two miles from its mouth,
and called, like the land on its left bank, by its
original name of Potowomut. At the head of
navigation of this little stream, and where it
ceases to feel the influence of the tide from the
1 Works of Job Durfee, p. 162.
4 LIFE OF NATH-\NAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
bay, the smaller streamlets that form it are gath-
ered mto a pond, — once, apparently, a mere hol-
low between two small hills, in which part of
the water remained while part made its way over
the lower rim of the valley to the channel of the
river. The banks of these smaller streams are
still covered with brushwood and trees. There
are trees on the eastern bank of the pond also,
— oaks for the most part, and, though not thick
set, yet enough so to show that the whole tract
must have been well wooded in 1654, when
Randal Houlden and Ezekiel Hollyman bought
it for themselves and their fellow-to^vnsmen of
Warwick, of Taccomanan and his sons Awasho-
tiist and Wawanockashaw, for fifteen pounds in
wampumpeage and "ye valine of one coate of
such clothe as ye Indians doe now commonly use
to weare, annually as a gratuitv." ^
One of these inhabitants of Warwick was John
Greene, surgeon, a native of Salisbury in Eng-
land, who, coming over "in the next company
after Roger Williams,"^ with his wife and five
children, had followed Williams to Providence
and Gorton to Shawomet, thus becoming an origi-
nal proprietor in both places. The purchase of
Potowomut had brought it within the jiu'isdiction
of Warwick, although separated from it by the full
width of Shawomet or Greenwich Bay ; and here,
1 Bartlctt, Records of the Colony Family, compiled by General Greene,
of Rhode Island and Providence Plan- I am told by a member of the family,
tations, Vol. I. p. 131, note. though the indorsement says by Gen-
2 MS. Genealogy of the Greene cral Greene's father.
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. O
in the old homestead, Nathanael Greene, fifth in
descent from the original emigrant, " was born the
twenty-seventh day of fifth month, 1742, about one
or two o'clock in the afternoon of the third day of
the week." ^ His father, Nathanael, the second of
that name in the family, was a Quaker preacher,
eminent, tradition says, for his vigorous enforce-
ment of evangelical truth, but equally well known
among his neighbors as a large landed proprietor,
and the owner of a grist-mill, a flour-inill, a saw-
mill, and a forge, which he kept in constant and
profitable operation. Eight sons, two of them by
his first wife, Phoebe Greene, the other six by his
second wife, Mary Mott, were trained from their
boyhood to work in the fields, the mills, and the
forge; to walk their two miles to the meeting-
house in all weathers; and having learnt to read
in George Fox's " Instructions for right Spelling
and plain Directions for Reading and Writing true
English,"^ and mastered the curious collection of
miscellaneous information which it contains, were
expected to find ample food for their literary curi-
osity during the rest of their lives in the " Holy
Scriptures, Barclay's Apology, Fox, Townsend, and
a few others of the same tenor and date." ^
The habits of the country were primitively sim-
1 Greene, Gen. ut sup. As the of this curious little volume to ray
new style is mentioned in one of the friend Charles Deane, Esq., of Cam-
later entries this must have been bridge, Mass.
O. S., and consequently the 6th of ^ General Greene's own words in
June. a letter to S. Ward, Jr., Oct. 9,
2 I am indebted for my knowledge 1772.
6 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
pie, those of tlio Quakers rigorously so. Carriages
were little used, the father of a family riding to
meeting with his wife on a pillion behind him, and
sometimes with a younger child on a cushion be-
fore ; the rest of the family, servants and all, fol-
lowing after on foot. It was a proof that Nathanael
Greene was well to do in the world that he was the
owner of a chair. The boys would work hard all
day, and walk half a dozen miles for a visit or a
frolic in the evening. The table was abundantly
supplied with nutritious food, meat forming a part
of every meal, and cider from their own orchards
being the principal drink. By the rules of the
Quakers every boy was trained to some handicraft,
and by the habits of the country all worked with
their own hands. But thrift was also a habit of the
countrj", and the foundations of that industrial pros-
perity which has won for Rhode Island so high a
place among her sister States were already laid in
the laborious habits and judicious enterprise of her
Colonial da vs.
As the laro-est town contained but little over five
thousand inhabitants, there was no very material
difference between town and country life. The
meetings of the General Assembly, and sessions of
the court, which were held alternately in the prin-
cipal towns, were the great civil gatherings of the
people. And as the day for them approached, inn-
keepers were seen bustling about with an air of
busy importance; — the larder was stocked anew,
the huge oven filled to overflowing with apple-pies
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 7
and pumpkin-pies, the cider-barrel tapped and tast-
ed ; the old drudge-horse wearied with journeys
to the mills for the rye and Indian meal that were
to furnish the morning and evenmg board with
the oblong johnny-cake and the cone-shaped brown
bread, and the dinner-table with the luscious suet-
pudding and the spherical dumpling, that borrowed
such a flavor from the rich meat gravy. Bedroom
windows were opened, and the long unused bed
aired. All along the highways and cross-paths
from the neighboring towns and villages, you would
see travellers journeying resolutely forward through
rain or dust, some on foot, some on horseback, some
alone, some gathered in friendly groups. The man
with " a case in court " was readily known by his
half important, half anxious air ; the idler, by his
story and jest ; and between those who came for
business and those who came for curiosity, the
quiet streets would buzz and hum with life.
For the Quakers, the great gathering times were
the yearly, quarterly, and monthly meetings, when
every Quaker door was thrown ojDcn, and every
seat at table and in the meeting-house filled. Na-
thanael Greene's house, family tradition tells us,
was always well filled on these occasions, and the
good cheer that he set before his guests seasoned
with good counsel to the young, and pleasant inter-
change of thought and experience with the old.
Tradition adds, too, that there were moments when
the grave Quaker brow relaxed, and a merry jest
or tale, provoking a merry laugh, was heard from
8 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
Quaker lips. However this may be, these meet-
ings were not without their effect upon the imagi-
nations of the younger members of the family, as
a change in the daily routine, returning at stated
intervals and looked forward to from a distance ;
and upon the character, as bringing them into closer
contact with thoughtful men and women in their
most thoughtful mood. It was a part of the Qua-
ker's moral and social training, and not to be for-
gotten in the study of a life more than half of
which was passed under Quaker influences.
Recreation came with tlie duties of rural life,
and partly under the guise of competition,-^ — to cut
the broadest sw^ath, tm^n the deepest furrow, get
the most work out of the oxen without straining
them, lift the heaviest weight, and shape the new-
mo^vii hay into the neatest and firmest stack.
Then, for the young Greenes, there was a swim in
the clear cool river at the close of a sultry day ; a
half-hour on the smooth ice of the well-sheltered
pond by winter starlight or moonlight, or before
the tardy sun called them to their morning task ;
and, most prized of all, the merry huskings ^ in Oc-
tober evenings, which even the dread of the relent-
less rod could not always keep from running into a
dance, — that greatest of abommations to the eyes
of a Quaker.
Several anecdotes of Nathanael Greene's boyhood
have been preserved, which, if not very remarkable,
1 Those scenes so well described ia " The corn-husks rustle and the corn-
Barlow's " Hasty Pudding," where cobs crack."
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 9
have at least the merit of being perfectly authen-
tic. An early playmate of his, whom I remember
well, used to talk with great pride of his old com-
panion's feats of strength. Dancing he was par-
ticularly fond of, and, being a general favorite, he
was always sure to be told beforehand whenever a
husking was to end in a dance. Nor, as his broth-
ers used to relate, was the pleasure any the less
coveted for the rigor of the prohibition or the cer-
tainty of the chastisement. His father kept regu-
lar hours, and, long before the first set in a modern
ball would be started, his orderly family was sup-
posed to be abed and asleep. Then it was that the
truant would slip softly from his pillow, put on his
clothes, silently raise the window, and let himself
cautiously down upon the soft grass of the yard.
I have forgotten how he got back again, but for
this too he found a way ; and if on any of those
autumn nights his watchful parent had made an
inspection of the household not too close upon mid-
night, he would have found the windows shut and
all his sons in their places. Thus more than one
merry evening was gained, and the future strategist
had got almost to look upon himself as secure from
detection, when, returning one night from a distant
excursion, what should he see by the clear starlight
but his father, — horsewhip in hand, pacing with
ominous patience to and fro beneath the tell-tale
window. It was very clear that, if any Scripture
text was the subject of the venerable preacher's
meditations at that inauspicious moment, it must
10 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
have been Solomon's warning to those who spare
the rod. It evidently was not to be spared on this
occasion ; but might it not be deprived of its sting ?
Thus far the culprit had not been seen. Close b}',
on the other side of the house, there was a bundle
of shingles. With a quickness of thought that
stood him well in stead on many a worthier occa-
sion, he stole softly round the comer, stuffed as
many shingles under his coat as he needed to form
an impervious corselet, then, coming forward with
well-feigned terror, submitted to his chastisement ;
not forffettinof' that vehement Ohs ! and Ahs ! were
an essential part of the comedy.
Better things, however, were mingled with this
love of forbidden pleasure. Literary culture was
not in favor with the Quakers. " I was educated a
Quaker," he writes in 1772, looking back with
something like bitterness of heart upon this period
of his life, " and amongst the most superstitious
sort. My father was a man of great piety, had an
excellent understandinor. and was governed in his
conduct by humanity and kind benevolence, but
his mind was overshadowed with prejudice against
literary accomplishments." Still, reading was ne-
cessary as a means of reading the Bible, and writ-
ing and ciphering as a means of doing business
accuratelv. And therefore, in the lonor winter
evenings, an itinerant teacher was employed to
teach the boys to read, write, and cipher. This
was all that Nathanael Greene knew at the age of
fourteen ; nor did the little book-shelf in the sitting-
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 11
room corner contain anything to awaken a desire
of knowino- more.
One day, however, in a winter ramble, chance
threw into his path a young man of the name
of Giles, a collegian on a vacation \asit to East
Greenwich, who, talking to him about college and
college studies, and arousing the curiosity that had
hitherto slept so calmly but was never to sleep
again, glides into history for a moment and then
vanishes forever. Nathanael Greene returned from
that day's walk another boy, — returned to the
forge and the farm and the mill, to his station at
the anvil and his seat by the hopper ; but not to
the content of being foremost at his daily work,
and leader in the morning and evening sports of
his companions. As he looked upon the running
stream, the growing grain, the mysterious light and
motion of the stars, — even as he watched the re-
volving wheel, and the reddening iron, or shaped
with his ponderous hammer the anchor which was
to fasten its pointed fluke into the oozy bottom of
some distant sea, — questions and doubts and long-
ings came crowding upon his mind, and he had
neither book nor friend to answer them. The day
of unquestioning faith was passed. Henceforth, to
believe, he must first understand.
It must have been an anxious moment in the
father's life when this son, so fuU of promise, came
to him and asked him for better means of study.
All his life-long distrust of learning must have risen
up in his mind at the appeal, and hardened him
12 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
against it. But though a prejudiced man, he was
a just man. His boy had done his duty in the
forge and the mill, and was it not the father's
duty to grant his request ? In the end it proved
a first step in his own disenfranchisement ; for a
few years later he went further still, and studied
Locke's Essay on the Understanding, making him-
self master of its most abstruse discussions.
Two miles from Potowomut, on a green hillside
that slopes gently downward to a retired little inlet
of Narraganset Bay, stands East Greenwich, then, as
now, a quiet rural village, with large elms throwing
their fraternal branches over its principal street,
and compact wooden houses scattered loosely over
its surface, each with its little garden in the rear.
Here was a court-house, here was a Baptist meeting-
house, and just beyond the hill-top, in a little valley
through which the Masquachugh flows with a slen-
der current and a pleasant murmur to mingle with
the waters of Greenwich Cove, stood the plain
wooden building in which Nathanael Greene the
elder was wont, when his thoughts waxed fervent
within him, to pour them forth in words that sank
deep into the hearts of his hearers. And here, too,
lived a teacher by the name of Maxwell, — Master
Maxwell, the old men of my boyhood still called
him, who had brought with him much learning
from the schools and colleges of his native Scot-
land. Under his guidance young Greene began
Latin and geometr}', and, talking with him, felt the
longings which his conversation with Giles had
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 13
awakened grow more definite and distinct. How
far his Latin was carried, it is no longer possible to
determine. His brother Christopher used to tell
of his going up into a little room over the kitchen
to study his lessons without interruption. Dupon-
ceau told Longfellow and me in 1835, that in a
long evening which he passed with General Greene
and Baron Steuben, on their journey southward in
1780, " Greene turned the conversation upon the
Latin poets, with whom he seemed perfectly famil-
iar."^ But I find no other testimony upon the
subject. There are no quotations from Latin au-
thors in his letters, except one in English from
Seneca's epistles, which he may have read in a
translation. His Horace, which he is known to
have read constantly, was Smart's two little duo-
decimos with the English facing the text, well
known and duly prized by the school-boys of two
generations ago ; and the Caesar that he purchased
in 1774 was Duncan's translation without the text.
The extent of his Latin studies is very doubtful.
But about his Euclid there is no doubt. He had
bought the volume with his own earnings, a solid
octavo stoutly bound in dark sheep-skin, and he de-
voted himself to the study of it with the ardor of a
vigorous mind in its first taste of positive science.
It became his comj^anion at the forge and in the
1 I have also a letter from him — still unfortunately in manuscript,
upon the subject, and he afterwards I am indebted for my knowledge of
repeated the same anecdote in his it to my friend Friederich Kapp, the
memoirs, — a very interesting work, historian of Steuben and De Kalb.
14 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
mill, and in my boyhood his brothers still loved to
point out the seat by the forge where he would
stud}' it while the iron was heating, and tell with
proud complacency, how, when his turn called him
to the gristrmill, he would often forget himself in
his book lono; after the last kernel had been
shaken from the hopper.
Summer brought no relaxation in his daily la-
bors, but the long winter evenings were all his
own, and well did he turn them to account. No
part of New England life was more characteristic,
or has left a deeper impression than these evenings
by the winter fireside.^ The huge chimney was
all ablaze with the crackling wood fire ; and if the
tallow candles gave a dim light, the fire-light on
the walls and the brigrht coals on the hearth lent
a cheerful glow to the room, that seldom failed to
awaken a kindred glow in the heart. In the
snug corner, sheltered from the draft of win-
dow or door, sat the mother with her knitting-
needles ; or on Saturday evenings, her darning-
needle flashing swiftly to and fro in her skilful
fingers. It was thus that the warm yarn stocking
and the stout mitten grew steadily day by day,
without encroaching upon the other duties of the
industrious housewife. Right over against her, in
his straight-backed wooden-seated chair, sat the
father. His day's work is done, — you need not
ask him whether well or ill, for the day's history is
1 I gladly record my indebtedness "Snow-Bound," — beautiful poetry
to Whittier's tlmrming picture in and true history.
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 15
written on liis face, and the evening's history may
be easily read beforehand in the contracted or the
open brow. Sometimes, when he has been kept
out in the cold longer than usual, you will see a
mug on the hot ashes, just within reach of the heat
from the coals. It is filled Avith cider from his own
press, and before he drinks it a little ginger will be
mixed with it to give it a warmer glow, and a hot
iron stirred in it to make it froth and bubble. Close
round the " resplendent brass " of the andirons, you
would often see a sputtering row of apples ; and
often too the quick sharp blow of the hammer
would tell that the rich shagbark had not failed in
the October woods. Happy was the fireside whose
circle was filled with sons and daughters ready to
lighten the task of father and mother and confirm
their hopes.
There was no daughter at Nathanael Greene's
fireside, the only one he had ever had, Phebe, who,
though the child of his second wife, bore the name
of the first, not living to complete her first year.
But eight sons formed a goodly circle. Benjamin
and Thomas were children of his first wife, his
cousin, Phebe Greene. The other six, of Mary
Mott, his second wife. Mary Rodman, who took
the wife's seat on "the 28th day of the 11th
month, 1754," was childless, but quickly learnt to
look upon her husband's children as her own.
Of these six, the eldest was named Jacob, first of
that name in the family record. We shall meet
him by and by as commissar}^ of purchases, when his
16 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
brother became Quartermaster-General. We meet
him also in the State Legislature, of which he was
several times a member. When his brother joined
the army, he took his place at Coventry, where
he lived to the dav of his sudden death in 1805.
Phebe came next, and then Nathanael. William
followed, the only bachelor of the six. I remem-
ber him well in his feeble old age, as the first out-
side of our own roof to whom we went with our
"Merry Christmas," always finding a large Christ-
mas cake in wait for our coming. Elihu was the
fifth, an old man when I knew him, but a cheery,
hale old man, still active at the forge, still ready
to raise the dam gate, and take his seat by the
hopper, and, what we boys prized most of all, ever
gentle and patient and kind. His wafe had long
been dead, but he had never taken to himself a
second, unwilling, perhaps, to give to another the
place that had once been filled by a grand-niece of
Franklin. But strongest, heartiest, and halest of
all, in my boyish days, was the fifth son, Christo-
pher, straight and firm, with the broad forehead
and decided mouth of his brother the General, and
a voice that even in old ao-e rancir out as clear and
shrill as a bugle-call. Kind at heart though quick
of temper, he too was an active, busy man to the
last. It was but two days before his death that he
followed me to the door to shake hands with me a
second time, and the very day before it he rode
his favorite filly to Greenwich. With Elihu he
lived on the old homestead, and carried on the old
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 17
business. The little sloop that conveyed their
anchors to Providence and Newport was named
the "Two Brothers," in commemoration of their
fraternal love, and it is still remembered with pride
that in their long partnership they never thought
of a settlement of accounts. A son of Christopher
yet holds the old homestead, which thus far has
never passed out of the name. In one thing the
two brothers differed, — for while Elihu remained
a widower, Christopher married twice, and each
time a daughter of Governor Samuel Ward. The
last and youngest child was Perry, different in
many respects from his brothers, our traditions
say, but of fine talents and engaging address.
But they were all boys still, and with life all
before them, in the days of which I am now telling;
and, hopeful as the father must have felt when he
cast his eyes round upon them, his hopes can hardly
have gone beyond the promise which they gave of
growing up to walk in his footsteps as thrifty and
useful members of society. No visions of Guilford
and Eutaw came to disturb his tranquil anticipa-
tions of a peaceful life and peaceful death for all.
It was around these firesides that Colonial history
w^as first formed, father repeating it to son till fam-
ily tradition grew into narrative. John Greene's
story was an eventful one, — the story of exile and
persecution for conscience' sake. It must have had
a touch of the stern Puritan days in it, though he
was not a Puritan. Like Roger Williams, he claimed
" soul liberty," and was driven from Massachusetts.
18 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
Like his friend Gorton, he claimed the fullest exer-
cise of that liberty, and joined with him in the
purchase and settlement of Warwick. He was one
of the twelve who were summoned to submit
themselves to a Massachusetts tribunal, and only
escaped, by timely flight, the siege, condemnation,
and imprisonment which fell so heavily npon his
companions.^ Like, them, too, his convictions won
peace for him at last, and he was repeatedly chosen
by his fellow-citizens to offices of honor and trust.
Nor was he indifferent to his profession. There is
still a manuscript volume in existence, in which,
anticipating Buchan, he endeavors to bring the de-
scription and treatment of disease within the com-
prehension of every father and mother. The old
Quaker's heart must have glowed as he told the
story of this first emigrant, for in the religious in-
dependence which Gorton taught there was a sug-
gestive resemblance to the independence of forms
which George Fox taught. From that day civil
honors were found in each generation of the
Greenes, each having its Secretary, or Deputy,
or Governor.
And now too, in these very years, 1753- 1755,
the name of Washington first began to be heard at
Colonial firesides ; his journey through the wilder-
ness ; his gallant stand with a handful of followers
at the " Great Meadows " ; his almost miraculous
1 Greene's connection with Gorton one of his chief proselytes, gave Gor-
is expressly stated in " Some Notices ton half of his divided lands at Paw-
of Samuel Gorton, &c.," edited by tuxet." (p. 35.) See aho Stnpies's
Mr. Charles Deane. " John Greene, edition of " Siraplicitie's Defence."
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 19
preservation on the fatal field of the Monongahela.
Much as the rigid Quaker detested war, these things
touched the Colonists too nearly not to find a
greedy ear in every circle. How did young Greene
feel when he first heard the name of his future
leader and friend ?
One part of these leisure hours, says a family
tradition, was still devoted to work ; not, indeed,
his regular work, but to the making of toy anchors
and other toys of iron, grinding oft' the callous skin
from his hands that he might hold the tiny things
more easily. These were his own, and to these he
looked for pocket-money, for he could hardly ex-
pect his father to buy him books. His only real
holiday was when the sloop took her load of an-
chors to Newport, for then he could sell his little
venture, and add, with the proceeds, a new book to
his library. For the Newport of those days was the
great city of the Colony, and it was not without
something like an expanding of his conceptions
that, as the little sloop rounded Long Wharf, he
caught his first glimpse of ships that, but a few
weeks before, had been lying at a wharf in London
or Bristol ; that, as he walked up Church Lane, he
saw the steeple of Trinity rising high over Berke-
ley's organ, and farther on the Corinthian portico
of the Kedwood Library opening upon more books
than it seemed possible to read in a lifetime. One
of these excursions proved a turning point in his
progress.
He had sold his wares, and hurried oft*, money in
20 LIFE OF NATHAN.iEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
hand, to the bookstore, an eager, impetuous boy in
spite of his broad-brimmed hat and peaceful drab,
neither of them, perhaps, altogether free from the
traces of the mill.
*' I want to buy a book." " What book ? " asked
the bookseller, stopping short in his conversation
with an earnest-faced young man in the dress of a
clergyman, and looking, it may be, somewhat quiz-
zingly at his new customer. The clergyman turned
to look also, and saw so much to please him in the
open countenance and bright eye of the blushing
boy, that he took him kindly by the hand, and ques-
tioned him intelligently about his reading. It was
more than a book that young Greene got that day,
for he got himself a friend, — one who had read
many books, and knew the human heart, and loved
knowledge in all her manifold forms. Not many
years afterwards that clergyman became the head
of Yale College, and, as President Stiles, labored
sedulously to the close of a long life in moulding
the hearts and minds of ingenuous youth. But of
the hundreds who went out into the world with his
mark upon them, there was not one who laid his
lessons more fruitfully to heart than the Quaker
boy whom he first taught what books to buy.
Nor among the many good deeds that he did, and
wise counsels that he gave, was there one more
fraught with important consequences to the free-
dom and prosperity of his country than the work
of spontaneous kindness which he performed that
day.
CHAPTER II.
Greene's Studies. — New Acquaintances. — Lindley Murray. — Visit
to New York. — John Jay. — Inoculation. — Family Lawsuit. —
Greene reads Law Books. — Growth of Mind. — Personal Appear-
ance. — Manners and Habits.
ri^HE first fruit of Stiles's friendship was a knowl-
-■- edge of Locke on the Understanding, — ^the
text-book of every Englishman of that day who
undertook to study the laws of mental action. It
came to Greene just when he was prepared for it
by the eager gropings of his own mind ; and,
following close upon Euclid, gave additional force
to those lessons of rigorous demonstration and con-
nected reasoning which are the best fruits of a
careful study of the great geometer. It opened
also a new and wider field of inquiry, and pre-
pared him for entering with keener relish upon the
investigation of moral and political truth. Watts's
Logic was another of the works to which he was
deeply indebted at this period ; and good old Rol-
lin, still preserving in his diffuseness the pure spirit
of classic antiquity, was his first guide in history
and polite literature. In English, Swift became
his model, particularly the Drapier's Letters, al-
though I do not find any proof that he ever
thought of applying to the study of them that
22 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
happy method by which FrankHn learnt to infuse
into his own style so much of the graceful simpli-
city and idiomatic elegance of his chosdh master,
Addison.^
Thus his mind grew apace. Books became his
favorite companions ; knowledge for her own sake
his highest ambition. But no thought of a change
of occupation seems ever to have disturbed the
serenity of his daily task. He was born to the
plough and anvil, and that share in public life which
most Colonists took and some member of his family
had always taken, and was content to remain where
fortune had placed him. His only complaint was,
" I feel the mists of ignorance to surround me " ;
and all that he asked of his books, that they should
help him to break through these mists. .
The acquaintance of Dr. Stiles brought him in-
to contact with men of cultivation, giving him
glimpses of a refinement towards which he felt
himself irresistibly attracted, and showing him
how much sweeter the intercourse of friends be-
comes when elevated by the love of letters.
Another new acquaintance, formed, like the first,
in one of his trips to Newport, but nearer to him in
age, and, like himself, a Quaker by birth and edu-
cation, was Lindley Murray, — the future gramma-
rian of three generations of ungrateful school-boys.
From him Greene learnt much that he could hardly
have learnt to the same advantao-e from an older
person ; discussing the books that he had read as
1 See Sparks's Franklin, Vol. I. p. 18.
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 2
o
boy talks with boy, and looking up to him with
that blending of faith and emulation which only
boys, and girls can feel. Grammar, however, if we
are to judge by the apparent unconsciousness with
which Greene makes a plural noun the nominative
of a singular verb, can hardly have yet taken the
place in the rriind of his friend which it was soon
to take and to hold through life. Murray's present
ambition was to become a lawyer, and his good
fortune led him to study law in the same office with
John Jay. May not Greene, in some of his visits
to him in New York, have met in his society, as a
young lawyer just welcoming his first brief, the
man whom a few years later he was to address from
camp as President of the Congress from which he
held his commission ?
Of these visits to New York, however, only one
positive record remains. The small-pox was still
the scourge of all classes, in spite of inoculation,
which thousands either rejected as useless, or con-
demned as rebellion asrainst the will of God.
Massachusetts had rejected it on its first introduc-
tion, and it was only by the refusal of the Council
to confirm the vote of the Representatives, that
the courageous Boylston was enabled to continue
the practice of it. The Rhode Island Assembly
rejected it as late as 1772, in spite of the exertions
of its most intelliarent members. Findino; the dis-
ease in New York, Greene had himself inoculated,
and, passing through it without any other perma-
nent mark than a slight blemish in the right eye,
24 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
which in no way impaired the distinctness of his
sight, won for himself a sense of personal security
which nothing else could have given, and the im-
portance of which made itself felt in the very first
year of the war. We shall find him one of the
earliest and most constant advocates of the inocu-
lation of the army.
About this time [1760] the death of his two
half-brothers brought a lawsuit into the family.
The principles which it involved were so intricate,
that it was sent to England by appeal. And here,
too, we catch a glimpse of another distinctive trait
of Greene's character ; for being intrusted by his
father with the management of the case as far as
the collecting of evidence and conferences with
lawyers were concerned, he procured himself a
Jacob's Law Dictionary and made himself master
of its contents. A few years later Blackstone also
was welcomed to his shelves with as pure a joy as
Gibbon felt when, at nearly the same age, and not
far from the same time, he " exchanged a bank-note
of twenty pounds for the twenty volumes of the
Memoirs of the Academy of Inscriptions." ^ An-
other consequence of the lawsuit, and for his fu-
ture career by no means the least important, was
the acquaintance that he formed with members of
the bench and the bar, whom he soon began to as-
sociate with upon the footing of one who has some-
thing to teach, as well as a great deal to learn.
And thus he grew up to manhood, laying deeper
1 Miscellaneous Works of Edward Gibbon, (4to ed.,) Vol. I. p. 84.
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN.iEL GREENE. 25
foundations than he knew of; a cheerful, vigorous,
thoughtful young man, foremost in all the labors
of the forge, the farm, and the mill ; foremost also
in feats of strength and skill ; fond of the society
of females, who " never felt lonely where he was,
for he always knew how to entertain them " ;^ fond
of the society of cultivated men ; a great lover of
books; a curious inquirer into the reasons and
causes of things ; a subtile scrutinizer of men and
their actions ; a thoughtful observer of Nature, and
keenly alive to her genial influences ; fonder of
listening than of talking, where there was anything
to be learned ; with no ambition beyond the pos-
session of a comfortable home, and fortune enough
to enable him to buy books and command a few
leisure hours to read them in ; a man, in short, to
puzzle the staid elders who sat on the high seats
in the meeting-house, and even to make his pious
father sometimes doubt the fulfilment of the proph-
ecy with which astrology-loving Dr. Spencer had
announced his birth as of one that was to be " a
great man in Israel."
His health was good, and both by constitution
and habit he was capable of bearing exposure and
fatigue. A few years later the asthma came to
harass him with sleepless nights. Though not
over five feet ten in height, he was strongly built,
with broad shoulders, a full chest, and vigorous
limbs. In his right knee there was a slight stiff-
ness, enough, it would seem, by the manner in
^ Words used by an old lady who knew Greene to Mr. Rousmanier.
26 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREE>T;. [1742-1775.
which it is mentioned, to be seen in his gait, but
not enough to prevent him from running, and jump-
ing, and wrestHng with the strongest and most
active of his companions.^ His face was a well-
filled oval, with all the features clearly defined,
though none of them, except, perhaps, the fore-
head, large enough to arrest the attention at a first
glance. As you looked more closely you would be
struck by the prominence of the lower part of the
brow, that part just over the eyes, where phrenolo-
gists place the organ of locality. The eyes them-
selves were of a clear, liquid blue, which kindled
under excitement to an intense and flashino; liu-ht.^
His nose was rather Grecian than Eoman, and such
as the sculptor of a strong, manly face loves to
chisel, the outline clear from the root downward,
and the nostrils slightly expanding into an ex-
pression of prompt and vigorous decision. The
mouth, too, with its deep-set corners and full lips,
told of quick, firm utterances and a strong will ;
but it told of tenderness also, and the power of
keen enjoyment. The chin, full, rounded, and
double, told the same story, giving a dash of every-
day humanity to an expression which, if derived
from the eyes alone, would have been an expression
of pure intellect. For as you look at the eyes
they seem to be lambent Avith a combined light,
1 See Stone's Howlanfl, p. 40. whose name will often recur in these
2 Lest the reader should tax me pages, and whose statements no one
with exafrgeration, I hasten to add who knew him would venture to call
that this peculiarity was told me by in question.
my uncle, Colonel Samuel Ward,
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 27
partly from within and partly from without, as of
a soul alternately questioning itself and the world
that surrounds it. But as you look at the mouth
you detect, under the possibility of stern compres-
sion, the possibility of joyous sensation and lively
sallies of humor. Indeed, this humor formed one
of the most vivid recollections of those who had
known him in the intimacy of domestic life ; and
his brothers, to the day of their death, could never
mention Tristram Shandy without dilating upon
the exquisite comicality of his impersonation of
Dr. Slop.
His bearing was that of dignified self-possession,
rather than of ease and grace. Indeed, the grace
which the intercourse of polished society gives, he
had no means of learning ; and still less the grace
of the dancing-school ; for his dancing, well as he
loved it, was such as country boys and girls learn
from some older companion or chance teacher, and
practise with more vigor than skill. " You dance
stiffly," said a partner to him once, rallying him
upon the halt in his right leg. " Very true," he
replied, " but you see that I dance strong." But
going into the world with a consciousness of many
disadvantages to overcome, he became a close ob-
server, never failing to turn to account every op-
portunity of making an acquisition or correcting
a defect.
His temper was naturally impetuous, for he was
of a bilious, nervous temperament, but it was
brought under early control, and he bore among
28 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
his companions the reputation of a genial man,
thoiif?h a firm and resolute one. Deliberate in
forming his opinions where circumstances admitted
of deUberation, he was never imduly tenacious of
them, nor arrogant in enforcing them, but always
ready to listen to objections, and yield to them if
well founded.
It is not an easy thing to go back to the boy-
hood of a great man, and distinguish the steps by
which he grew up in mind and character. And
even of those who knew him best there are few
who are not ready to fancy that they had already
discovered in his youth the indications of all that
he became in manhood. Still the intellectual
tastes, the resolute perseverance, and the system-
atic industry which characterized Greene's public
life were undoubtedly formed long before he be-
came a public man ; and the administrative car
pacity which he displayed in the Quartermaster-
General's department was but the extension to a
larger field of the sound judgment and rigorous
method with which he conducted the humbler in-
terests of the Hirms and forges of Potowomut and
Coventry.
CHAPTER III.
Potowomut. — Tbe Farm. — The Forge and Mills. — Coventry. —
Whence the Iron for the Forge came. — From Potowomut to Coven-
try. — The New House. — Greene among his Neighbors. — David
Howell.
THE soil of Potowomut was light and thin,
yielding enough for the family table, but
adding little to the family purse. This, however,
was not the elder Greene's only farm, for he had
made large investments in land in different parts
of the State, and was as deeply interested in agri-
culture as in manufactures. But the agriculture
of those days was, even in its best forms, little
better than a mere routine ; the son still holding
tenaciously to the methods of the grandfather, as
they came down to him unchanged in the lessons of
his father. If books were consulted at all, English
literature in young Greene's boyhood had nothing
better than the " Book of Husbandry " and Tuji-
per's " Five Hundred Points," and a few others of
almost equal antiquity. Elliot's " Field Husbandry
in New England " was not pubhshed till 1760 ;
Arthur Young had not yet begun the observations
and reports which stimulated Washington's agri-
cultural instincts so keenly ; and many years were
yet to pass before chemistry, analyzing soils and
30 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
plants and manures, should reveal the prolific law
of the constant circulation of matter and force.
And thus in agriculture the elder Greene had but
little to teach his sons beyond what he had learnt
from his father.
But the forge and mills gave very different
returns ; and when we remember how England
looked askance upon the manufacturing industry
of the Colonies, these early efforts of Rhode Island
industry acquire something of the importance of
general history. Jabez Greene, grandson of the
first John Greene, was the original settler of Poto-
w^omut, and Thomas Hill was an original partner
in the mills. As early, however, as 1740, two
years before the birth of the third Nathanael, the
whole property passed into the hands of the
Greenes. Meanwhile this branch of the family
had become Quakers, and the peaceful doctrines of
George Fox, and the peaceful industries of the
forge and the mill, seem to have taken possession
of the "Place of all the Fires" simultaneously.
The pure spirit of brotherly love seems to have
come with them.
Jabez Greene died without making a will, al-
thousrh he had declared his intention of making:
one, and told his eldest son, James, that he meant
to divide his estate equally among his children.
By the laws of Rhode Island James became sole
heir, and the first use that he made of his indepen-
dent control of the property was to carry out his
father s design and divide it with his brothers. And
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATR.1NAEL GREENE. 31
thus the property was held and improved in com-
mon by the six sons of Jabez, of whom Nathanael,
the preacher, was the fourth. Already, in 1743,
the forge, store, and merchandise were valued at
£8,055, with £2,408 of uncollected debts. The
chief care of the works seems gradually to have
devolved upon Nathanael, and when hjs sons grew
to man's estate they were admitted to the business
as partners.
This business, if we take into consideration the
meagre supply market and difficult communications
of those days, was sufficiently extensive to require
no ordinary share of commercial as well as of pro-
ductive talent. The wheat was brought from A^'ir-
ginia in vessels owned or chartered by the firm,
and the flour sent to Newport and Providence, the
principal markets of the Colony. The coal came
from Virginia also, and the best iron from Pennsyl-
vania. Of all these a constant and regular supply
was required. Merchandise was also needed for
the store, — country goods, such as workingmen
and their families used, — and of these a full pro-
vision was kept constantly on hand. Then the
anchors were to be sent to market, and the pro-
ceeds of all these various industries collected and
put to use. What with his duties as a preacher,
and his cares as a merchant, manufacturer, and
farmer, Nathanael Greene was a very busy man.
The grist-mill was a frame building on the west
bank of the river, a few yards below the dam,
duly provided with all the necessary aj)paratus for
32 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
makino; meal and flonr. The constant whir of the
millstone and jar of the hopper, mingling with the
gm'gle of the water as it rushed through the gate,
and its deeper roar as it dashed over the dam,
made it a difficult place to talk in, though, as
young Nathanael grew up, it became one of his
favorite places for study. For many years it was
the onlv mill in the neis-liborhood, and through
the whole of the first quarter of the present cen-
tury farmers and farmers' boys still continued to
ride thither from a wide circuit round, \\^th their
bag of corn slung over their horse's back, to have
it ground under the eye of the two last survivors
of the two generations of brothers. And it is not
uninteresting to know, as we trace the connec-
tions of civilization, that the second flour-mill that
was ever constructed in Chili was constructed by
Samuel Ward Greene, the fourth son of the young-
er of those two brothers. Thus the knowledge
that was acquired on the banks of the Potowomut
helped to free fertile Chili from her dependence
upon a foreign market for the most essential ar-
ticle of daily food ; mysterious link in the subtile
chain which binds remote lands and difterent races
toQ-ether.
Close by the side of the mill, but on lower
ground, was the forge, — a larger building, with a
broad shingle roof coming down so near to the
ground on the west side that it was easy to get on
it and play. Two broad doors opened upon the
river-bank, where the sloop lay as at a natural
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 33
wharf. Within were three separate forges, each
with its own anvil, its own chimney, and its
own huge bellows. The anchor anvil stood in
the middle, directly nnder a great trip-hammer,
which, as it dealt its sharp, quick blows, ris-
ing; and falling: with the turnino^ of the wheel, —
wheel and water both unseen, but sending forth a
whirring and gurgling sound from behind the dark
screen of the eastern wall, — had, as I well remem-
ber, something of wonder and of mystery in it to
the eye and ear of childhood. A small forge was
reserved for the common work of a blacksmith's
shop.
The two banks of the river were connected by a
bridge just below the dam; and there, when the
day's work was done, the boys loved to take their
stand, and fish for eels in the dark water below.
The house, a plain wooden edifice, low in the
ceilings, like most of the houses of early colonial
days, but substantially built, and well adapted to
the modes of life of a large Quaker family, stood
almost within stone's throw of the forge, upon the
brow of a small hill, up and down whose easy
slope the boys used to indulge in many a frolic
on their way to and from their work, not always,
as they grew warm in their game, distinguishing
their father from an elder brother.
About a year before the birth of General Greene
the six brothers had built another forge on the
Pawtucket Kiver, in the township of Coventry,
where they had purchased a large tract of land.
o
4 LIFE OF NATIL\N.iEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
Here, too, was a fine stream of water to set their
simple machinery agoing, and a fine hill — the
rocky water-shed which holds the north and south
branches of the Pawtucket apart — to build on. It
was not till many years later that the building-site
was used ; but so well was the water-power turned
to account, that, on the death of Jabez, in 1753, his
quarter was estimated at £865. By 1768 over a
hundred families had gathered around Greene's
forge as their home.-^
The iron used in these works was all American
iron. The refined iron was brought chiefly from
Pennsylvania by Apponaug, then a flourishing
little seaport in the northwest corner of Coweset
or Greenwich Bay, though scarcely ever visited
now by anything but a lumberman from Maine or
a collier from Pennsylvania. The rough ore came
in part from the iron-beds in the adjacent town
of Cranston, and was carted by farmers in their ox-
carts to be smelted, with the help of black sand
from Block Island, in the smelting-furnace which
formed part of the works. Some of it was bog-
iron from the neighboring swamps, and some was
obtained by dragging the fresh-water ponds, which
are spread like a net all over the western sections
of the State. What use was made of Elliot's dis-
covery of " the art of producing malleable iron
from the black sea sand " I have not been able to
ascertain.^
^ I have to thank for some of these Pawtucket, made a careful examina-
details the lion. Henry Rousmanicr, tion of the Warwick Records,
of Centre villc, who, in preparing his * See Holmes's Annals of America,
valuable sketches of the valley of the Vol. II. p. 123.
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 35
"When the work was done, the anchors had to be
carried to Apponaug in carts, and thence by water
to Newport, the principal market for naval stores,
and the great seaport of the colony. So well did
the reputation of the Potowomut and Coventry
works become established, that, more than half a
century from their foundation, when the father of
Commodore Perry lay at Newport in command of
the " General Greene," he sent to the Greene forge
for his anchors ; but so effacing are the habits of
American life, that you may now go from door to
door all through Coventry, and scarcely find a
man who can tell you where they stood. Local cir-
cumstances have preserved somewhat better the
recollection of the forge and mill at Potowomut.
But, with the exception of the dam, all traces of
those also have been swept away within my own
remembrance.
The distance between the two works was about
ten miles, by a rough but pleasant road through
green lanes, bordered in many parts by thick
woods of walnut and oak, in some by lower
growths of cedar ; opening on the highest ridges
upon a rich foreground of forest, and a broad back-
ground of water and islands ; the bright waters
and green islands of Narragansett Bay, — green
then, for the ruthless hand of war had not yet
stripped them of their sheltering trees. At the bot-
tom of the valleys, the road ran along the pebbly
margin of a fresh-water pond, or crossed the course
of a brawling rivulet, — ponds and brooks over
36 LIFE OF NATH.VNAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
^vliose fringed waters old Walton would have
hung in dreamy ecstasy throughout the long sum-
mer day. Over this road, to and fro, one of the
partners had to pass in almost daily rides ; and it
was a pleasant thought for the fither, as years
thickened upon him, that he had such a sturd}'-
band of sons at his call. But already his chief
reliance was the son who bore his own name ; and
thus in 1770, when it was decided that one of
them should go and live at Coventry, the choice
naturally fell upon him.
The removal to Coventry was a great event in
this uniform though busy life. From childhood that
son had lived under the same roof with his father
and brothers, and now, in his twenty-ninth year, he
was to build himself a house apart. We shall see
by and by how his heart still clung to Potowomut.
For his building-site he chose a spot on the hill-
side, sheltered on the west by a natural wood,
which still covered the brow of the hill ; sloping
in front, like a green terrace, down to the brink
of the river, and looking out over a broad belt of
woodland towards Coweset Bay. From the tojD of
the hill the eye reached the graceful curve and
sparkling waters of the bay itself, which seems
to shrink with a coy smile from the outstretched
arms of Potowomut, and nestle securely under the
bald headland of AVarwick Neck. The house was a
neat two-story building, with four rooms on each
floor, divided by a wide entry, and on the exterior
something of an air of architecture, which still
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 37
pleases, if it does not satisfy, the eye. It was a
great step in advance, both outside and in, of the
old homestead at Potowomut.
Greene was soon settled, and his days resumed
their even tenor. He was often in the saddle,
making all his land journeys on horseback, — an
unconscious preparation for the future, — and a
mode of travelling to which his love of animals
gave a peculiar zest. " His first visit, after an ab-
sence from home," says one who w^as often in the
family, " was always to the stable." ^ To Newport,
instead of the old route by Potowomut River, he
would go by a sloop from Greenwich ; sometimes,
as a well-authenticated tradition attests, timing his
movements so as to meet a party of friends at
Hope, — a small rocky island half-way down the
bay, — and pass the evening there in dancing.
Thus much of his life was still an out-of-doors
life, bringing him into constant contact with
men, and almost always as a controller of their
actions. Sometimes, when he found himself sin-
gled out for an invitation while others of " equal
claims " w^ere passed by, he would turn the cir-
cumstance over in his mind with a kind of pleased
surprise, and be " almost persuaded that he was a
person of some importance."- Nor was he the only
one that thought so. "Mr. Greene is a very re-
markable man," said David Howell, then a tutor in
Ehode Island College, but distinguished in later
life at the bar, on the bench, and in Congress, and
1 Communicated by Mr. Rousmanier.
o
8 LIFE OF NATHAJfAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
who had ridden down to Coventry over night to
borrow a book of him. It was not every day that
either of them found such a man to talk with, and
the conversation naturally ran on till late in the
evening. Great was Howell's surprise, when he
came down next morning before daylight, to make
sure of reaching home in time for his recitation,
to find Greene up before him, and "poring over
a book by the fire." And as a proof of the delicacy
of Greene's hospitality I will add, that when on
parting for the night his guest had apologized for
the necessity he should be under of leaving too
early in the morning to bid him good by, he
made no offer of breakfast, but when morning
came the table was found set, and the breakfast
ready.
CHAPTER IV.
Death of Greene's Father. — Greene a Voter. — First Steps in Public
Life. — First Political Letter. — In the Assembly. — Gasper. —
Takes his Stand. — William Greene of Warwick. — Henry Mar-
chant. — Progress of the Revolution. — Greene's Opinion of Gov-
ernor Ward as Deleorate to Conorress. — Militia Laws Revised. —
Kentish Guards. — James M. Varnum. — Christopher Greene. —
Letter to Varnum. — Trip to Boston to buy a Musket.
IVrOT long after his removal to Coventry his
-*- ^ father died ; " an event," he writes, " which
turned all our affairs into different channels, that
made it requisite for me to give the closest appli-
cation and attention to the settlement of matters."
Still, no material change was made by it in the
business relations of the brothers ; and everything
continued to go on, as of old, in the name of the
whole family. All had been trained to work with
the feeling that in working for their father they
were working for themselves; and, when the estate
passed into their hands, they were prepared to
share equally in its duties and profits.
In Rhode Island the right of suffrage, except for
the eldest son of a freeholder, was founded upon
the possession of real estate of the value of forty
pounds sterling. Nathanael's half-brother Thomas,
who died in 17G0, had given him an estate in
40 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
West Greenwich, and upon this he was admitted a
freeman in Warwick in April, 1765 ; making, as a
Quaker, his " solemn affirmation " to the protest
against " bribery and corruption " which the law of
that daj'- prescribed. Thus, wdthin a month after
the passage of the Stamp Act, and just about the
time when his future opponent, Cornwallis, be-
came a '' Lord of the Bedchamber," Greene be-
came a voter ; little dreaming the one of the
other, or of the desperate race they were to run,
or the blood}^ field on which they w^ere to meet in
the wilds of Carolina. Three years later, when
the non-importation resolutions of 1768 were in-
troduced, Greene was on the committee for can-
vassing the county for signatures ; and within the
very year of his removal to Coventry he was
chosen to represent his new home in the General
Assembly. His earliest public act in this new
home was to set on foot a movement for the estab-
lishment of a school.
The great Rhode Island controversy of those
days, in which town and country waged war upon
each other under the names of Hopkins and Ward,
until the original cause of the dispute became
merged in a personal contest between party lead-
ers, had been brought to an end, under the over-
shadowing influence of the impending contest with
England, two years before he entered the legis-
lature. Family ties had naturally placed him in
the Ward party, and it is not improbable that he
took an active part in the dispute. But the record
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 41
of his political career is too imperfect at this point
to permit us to follow his first steps in public
life as closely as there is always a wish to do when
the later steps became so important. His earliest
political letter that has been preserved is ad-
dressed to Moses Brown of Providence, and turns
upon the opposition to the re-election of Judge
Potter. "I should be remiss," he writes, "not to
give you timely information of all matters that
were likely to concern civil polity or the well-be-
ing of the government, and in an especial manner
when I thought you would be likely to adopt any
plan to obviate their schemes. I know not for
what reason, but there is the greatest opposition
forminsr ao^ainst Judo-e Potter's ensuins; election
that I ever saw in my life against any representa-
tive. His conduct and mine hath been almost
uniformly the same in public measures, except the
affair of your Bridge ; and they have not the least
objection to my going again, if I will not support
the Judge's ensuing election so zealously Was
I not conscious that the Judge would do his town
and the government better service than any other
person in it, I would not be so strongly attached
to his interest as to oppose any man the better
sort of people thought worthy, by their suffrage,
to represent them in the General Assembly."
The interest of this question has long since passed
away even from Rhode Island history ; but it was
a question which called into play the power of
reading character and controlling men of one of
42 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
the founders of a great nation, and thus becomes
a part of the world's history.
Of course, much of Greene's attention as a legis-
lator was given to local details. But some of these
local details involved the discussion of fundamental
principles; and from what is positively known of
his habits of mind, we may reasonably conclude
that these discussions became for him the occa-
sions of an enlarged and careful study. When the
resolutions of 1774 against the " importation of
negroes" were passed, he was not a member of the
Assembly; but his declaration of a few years
later, "As for slavery, nothing can be said in its
defence," shows what his vote would have been.
But in the legislature and out of it he was hence-
forth a public man, taking an active interest, even
when he did not take a leading part in public
measures. The training that was to fit him for
dealing with men, and bearing great resjDonsibili-
ties, was begun.
He was not present at the burning of the " Gas-
per," although a local tradition makes him one of
the leaders ; ^ but he went to Providence the next
day, and, as he rode along, must have seen the
smoke floating over the smouldering hull, as two
years later he saw it floating over the ruins of
Charlestown. ^ Yet his name was mixed up with
this bold enterprise in the English reports of it,
1 Colonel E. Bowen, who was pres- 2 Letter to S. Ward, Jr., January
ent, told me that General Greene was 25, 1773.
not.
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 43
and in this offensive connection probably first met
the royal eye, which it was soon to meet still more
offensively. When the " new-fangled court," as he
calls it, assembled at Newport to receive informa-
tion against the persons suspected of taking a part
in the destruction of the royal cutter, he con-
demned it as "alarming to every virtuous mind
and lover of liberty in America." He condemns
also the attitude of the General Assembly, which
" seems to have lost all that spirit of independence
and public virtue that has ever distinguished them
since they have first been incorporated, and sunk
down into a tame submission and entire acquies-
cence to ministerial mandates." Already his views
embraced the whole country, and the earliest writr
ten expression of his political sentiments implies
Union : " If this court and mode of trial is estab-
lished as a precedent, it will naturally affect all the
other colonies."
It is easy to conceive with what interest he
read the " Farmers' Letters," and how prominent
a place he gave in his library to the Dissertation
on the Canon and Feudal law, and Novanglus,
and the Massachusetts circular, and Otis's Eights of
the British Colonies, and Quincy's Observations on
the Boston Port Bill, and the other tracts of that
reasoning period, during which the public mind
was preparing itself for open resistance. His own
mind was prepared for the worst. " The ministry
seem to be determined to imbrue their cursed
hands in American blood." ^
1 To S. Ward, Jr.
44 LIFE OF NATH.\NAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
These sentiments brought him into intimate rela-
tions with the popular leaders. " I spent last even-
ing with him (Governor Ward), Mr. Marchant, and
sundry other gentlemen, at your uncle Greene's,''
he writes Governor Ward's son, Samuel, January
25, 1773. Tliat uncle Greene was the second
William of the Warwick branch, through whom
the blood of the first John Greene was mingled
with the blood of Eoger AVilliams and Samuel
Gorton, — historical names all of them, and repre-
sentatives of prolific ideas. He, too, was already in
public life as associate judge, and was to become
chief justice, and, in a very critical moment of the
war, governor. The Mr. Marchant was Henry
Marchant, the Attorney-General, who had been
sent to England two years before to demand the
payment of the old war debt, and who was in four
years more to take the place which had been so
well filled by Samuel Ward in Congress. It is
easy to conceive what brought such men together
at such a time.
Nor did Greene long have occasion to complain
of the spirit of the Assembly. The idea of a Gen-
eral Congress as a means of obtaining redress had
been familiar to the popular mind ever since the
Congress of 17G5, and must have been so often
discussed in private as to make the first public sug-
gestion of it almost a matter of chance. But the
first official action was that of a town-meeting in
Providence on the 17th of May, 1774, instructing
their " Deputies to the General Assembly " to use
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 45
their influence for promoting a Congress ; -^ and as
an augury of Union, the very first election sent the
leaders of Ehode Island's two great parties to sit
in that Congress side by side, and take counsel
together for the common defence.
Greene felt all the solemnity of this act. "Heaven
bless their (the Congresses') consultations," he
wrote Samuel Ward, Jr., "with her seasoning grace,
and crown their resolution with success and tri-
umph ! " The choice of Governor Ward gave him
particular pleasure. " The mean motives of in-
terest, of partial distinction of ministers of state,
will have no influence upon his virtuous soul :
like Cato of old, he '11 stand or fall with the lib-
erties of his country."
In the December session, although not a mem-
ber of the Assembly, he was put upon " a commit-
tee to revise the militia laws of the Colony," and
report " as soon as may be." ^ Events were hasten-
ing, and his part becoming daily more important.
The cannon had already been removed from Fort
George. The resolution to proceed immediately
to the formation of a public magazine of powder,
lead, and flints, and the recommendation " to all
the inhabitants of this colony, that they expend no
gunpowder for mere sport and diversion, and in
pursuit of game," and the act in pursuance of the
report of the committee upon militia laws provid-
ing for monthly exercises in " martial discipline,"
1 Arnold has examined this subject ~ Bartlet's Rhode Island Records,
with his usual candor and good sense Vol. VIII. p. 262.
in the second volume of his History
of Rhode Island, p. 334.
46 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
and for the manner in which " the forces within
this colony sliall march to the assistance of any of
our sister colonies when invaded or attacked,"
close ominously the last year of colonial peace.
Of all these preparations, none came more di-
rectly home to his personal feelings than the or-
ganization of the Kentish Guards, an independent
company for East Greenwich, Warwick, and Coven-
try, similar in object and plan to those which were
organizing all over the country. To these three
towns he was bound by peculiar ties ; having been
born in Warwick, living in Coventry, and going,
from childhood, every week to meditate in silence
or listen in reverence in the meeting-house that
stood thoughtfully amid rows of uninscribed graves
on the bank of a mill-pond in a sweet little valley
just beyond the hill-top of Greenwich. All the
members of this company were his neighbors and
acquaintances, some of them his friends. Among
its first officers were James Mitchel Varnum, a
man of "exalted talents," whom he "loved and
esteemed," who was to take an honorable place
in the civil and military history of the Revolution ;
and Christopher Greene, who was to follow Arnold
to Quebec, defend Red Bank against Donop
and his Hessians, and die, sword in hand, in the
flower of his age, victim of the negligence of a
militia guard. And still, as the war went on, this
little nursery of gallant men sent out officers to
the regular army, till they numbered nearly thirty
in all. Nathanael Greene was among the peti-
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 47
tioners for a charter, which was granted m the
October session of 1774.^
But in connection with the Kentish Guards
there was a mortification in store for Greene for
which he Avas little prepared. He had entered the
company as a private, and without any idea of
taking a commission. But this some of his friends
would not consent to, and by dint of persuasion
they prevailed upon him to let his name be
brought forward for a lieutenancy. But they
were to encounter an objection which none of
them had foreseen. Greene's stiff knee gave, as
we have already seen, a limp to his gait ; and in
the eyes of some of the village critics this limp,
though slight, was a serious blemish, unfitting him,
not merely for an oflicer, but even for a private.
A limping soldier in ranks like theirs ! Greene was
thunderstruck. It was the first mortification he
had ever received, and he took it sorely to heart.
His friends were indignant. Varnum threatened
to withdraw his name, and the loss of Varnum's
fine person and popular eloquence would have
been a serious blow to the halforganized com-
pany.
But this was a form of resentment that Greene
could not accept, and, not satisfied with having
told his friend by word of mouth how he thought
and felt about it, he returned to the subject in a
letter, which, happily for his memory, still exists
1 The original draft of the charter also Khode Island Records, Vol.
is among the Varnum Papers. See VII. p. 260.
48 LIFE OF NATH/VNAEL GREENE. [1742-1755.
in his own hand, to show how firmly he ah-eady
held the rein of his passions, and how early he
learned to subject his feelings as a man to his du-
ty as a citizen. And thus he writes from Coventry,
on Monday, 2 o'clock, P. M.
" Dear Sir : —
"As I am ambitious of maintaining a place in your
esteem, and cannot hope to do it if I discover in my
actions a little mind and a mean spirit, I think in justice
to myself I ought to acquaint you with the particulars of
the subject on which we conversed to-day. I was in-
formed the gentlemen of East Greenwich said that I was
a blemish to the company. I confess it is the first stroke
of mortification I ever felt from being considered, cither
in private or public life, a blemish to those with whom
I associated. Hitherto I have always had the happiness
to find myself respected in society in general, and my
friendship courted by as respectable characters as any in
the government. Pleased with these thoughts, and anx-
ious to promote the good of my country, and ambitious
of increasing the consequence of East Greenwich, I have
exerted myself to form a military company there ; but
little did I think that the gentlemen considered me in
the light of an obtruder. My heart is too susceptible of
pride, and my sentiments too delicate, to wisli a con-
nection where I am considered in an inferior point of
light. I have always made it my study to promote the
interest of Greenwicli, and to cultivate the good opinion
of its inhabitants, (so) that the severity of the speech, and
the union of sentiment coming from persons so unex-
pected, might wound the pride of my heart deeper than
the force of the observation merited. God knows when
I first entered this company, I had not in contemplation
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 49
any kind of office, but was fully determined not to
accept any ; but GrifF and others has been endeavor-
ing to obtain my consent for some weeks past. I
never expected that being a member of the company
would give me any more consequence in life either as
a private soldier or commissioned officer. I thought
the cause of liberty was in danger ; and as it was at-
tackt by a military force, it was necessary to cultivate a
military spirit amongst the people, that, should tyranny
endeavor to make any other advances, we might be pre-
pared to check it in its first sallies. I considered with
myself that, if we should never be wanted in that char-
acter, it would form a pretty little society in our meetings
when we might relax ourselves a few hours from the
various occupations of life, and return to our business
again with more activity and spirit. I did not want to
add any new consequence to myself from the distinction
of that company ; if I had been ambitious of promotion
in a public character, you yourself can witness for me I
have had it in my power, but I always preferred the
pleasures of private society to those of public distinction.
If I conceive right of the force of the objection of the gen-
tlemen of the town, it was not as an officer, but as a
soldier for that my halting was a blemish to the rest. I
confess it is my misfortune to limp a little, but I did not
conceive it to be so great ; but we are not apt to discover
our own defects. I feel the less mortified at it as it 's nat-
ural, and not a stain or defection that resulted from my
actions. I have pleased myself with the thought of serving
under you, but as it is the general opinion that I am un-
fit for such an undertaking, I shall desist. I feel not the
less inclination to promote the good of the company, be-
cause I am not to be one of its members. I will do any-
thing tliat 's in my power to procure the charter. I will
50 LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
bear my proportion of the expense until the company is
formed and completely equipt. Let me entreat you, sir,
if you have any regard for me, not to forsake the com-
pany at this critical season, for I fear the consequences ;
if you mean to oblige me by it, I assure you it will not. I
would not have the com|-any break and disband for fifty
dollars ; it would be a disgrace upon the county, and upon
the town in particular. I feel more mortification than
resentment, but I think it would manifest a more gener-
ous temper to liave given me their opinions in private
than to make proclamation of it in puljlic as a capital ob-
jection ; for nobody loves to be the subject of ridicule,
however true the cause. I purpose to attend to-morrow,
if my business will permit, and, as Mrs. Greene is waiting,
will add no more, only that I am, with great truth, your
sincere friend."
How the matter was finally arranged is no
longer known, beyond the simple fact that he re-
mained in the company as a private. There was
still another practical difficulty : where should he
find a musket ? for alreadj^ muskets and military
accoutrements of all kinds were hard to get. He
resolved to go to Boston, where his business rela-
tions, although it was the first year of the Port
Bill, would afford a sufficient pretext for a visit. It
is probable that he took lodgings at the " Bunch of
Grapes," on the little square in front of Faneuil
Hall. If we bear in mind his position in the Legis-
lature, we shall see that he would hardly be in
Boston at such a time without endeavoring to ex-
change opinions with the leaders of the popular
party. He may have met Sam Adams and War-
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 51
ren, and discussed with them the chances of that
arm J of twenty thousand men which Massachusetts
had just asked Rhode Island to join with New
Hampshire and Connecticut in helping her raise,
and Josiah Quincy's pamphlet, and that little close-
printed quarto of sixteen pages which told what the
General Congress of Philadelphia had done. It is
as certain as tradition can make it, that he went
more than once to Knox's bookstore. It is posi-
tively known that he attended the morning and
evening parades of the British troops, looking at
them sternly from under the broad brim of his
Quaker hat with those keen eyes which, before
another twelvemonth was passed, were to look
at them more sternly still from under the cocked
hat of a brigadier-general. And then, having
bought a musket, and engaged a British deserter
to go back with him as drill-master to the " Guards,"
he prevailed upon a farmer to hide his musket in
his cart, and, following him at a cautious distance,
set out upon his journey homeward. Once over
the Roxbury lines, he would breathe freely ; but
when, a few months later, he heard poor Ditson's ^
story, he must have recalled his own adventure
with something more than self-congratulation. In
a few days he appeared on parade with his drill-
master and his musket ; and still in the old home-
stead, w^here he was born and grew up to full man-
hood, that musket has its place on the wall, and is
reverentially preserved in memory of him.
1 Who was tarred and feathered for buying one. See Force, Am.
Archives, 4th Series, Vol. II. p. 83.
CHAPTER V.
Inner Life. — Mental Culture. — How and what be studied. — His
Library. — Study of Composition. — Letters to S. Ward, Jr. —
Quaker Prejudices against Literature. — Glimpses of his Daily Life
and Habits. — Forge burned. — A Lottery. — Letter to William
Greene. — Asthma. — In Love. — Why he loved S. Ward. — S.
Ward's Sister. — Progress of the Dispute with England. — Greene
resolves to take up Arms. — Read out of the Meeting. — Threatened
Accusation. — Military Reading. — Rhode Island College. — Court-
ship and Marriage. — Domestic Life. — Rapid Development of Pub-
lic Opinion. — Tea burned in Market Square, Providence. — Battle
of Lexington. — March of Kentish Guards. — Assembly meets. —
Army of Observation. — Mission to Connecticut. — Greene chosen
Brigadier-General. — Commission. — Farewell Letter to his W^ife.
"OUT, side by side with this out-of-door hfe, in
-*-^ the eye of his Uttle world, Greene was Hving a
thoughtful inner life, which few in that world could
appreciate or understand. From the time when
his literary curiosity had first been awakened by
his conversation with Giles he had resolved to
make the cultivation of his mind a part of his daily
work. The long evenings of winter, and early ris-
ing all the year round, gave him hours and half-
hours which amounted to days in the course of the
month, and he turned them all to account. Some
time, too, as I have already said, he gained during
his working hours by still keeping his book at
hand, to be taken up, though but for a moment,
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 53
while the iron was heating, or for freer use wliile
the corn was passing from the hopper.
In this way he had gradually mastered Euclid
and Locke ; the frequent interruptions serving
only to make him think more closely, and weigh
every idea and principle more carefull}^, before it
took its appropriate place in his mind. Thus his
mode of reading became very deliberate, and being
prevented both by the turn of his mind and his
slender stock of books from reading for excitement,
he would read the same book over and over again,
returning to it with unpalled appetite, until he had
made himself thoroughly master of its contents.
And thus, too, his knowledge, instead of floating
loosel}'' upon the surface of his mind, permeated
every part of it, and became a substantial thing,
over which his control was absolute. And hence,
in after years, it was a saying, among those who
knew him best, that nobody could get the sub-
stance out of a book as he could.^
It was not, however, without the constant ex-
ertion of a strong will that he could carry his
studies beyond Barclay and Fox, much less enter
those profane regions where wit and poetry spread
their snares for heedless feet. Of his father's prej-
udices I have already spoken ; and it was not till
•1 This has often been told me by knowledge how much I owe to her
my grandaunt, Mary Ward, sister of tenderness for the happiness of my
Greene's first love, and of his early early years, and to Tier sound, clear
friend, Samuel Ward. The reader mind for my comprehension of the
will pardon me if I add, that I can- feelings and sentiments of our Revo-
not write the name of this excellent lution.
woman without a longing to ac-
54 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
he grew up to man's estate that he became wholly
free to follow his natural bent and indulge a wider
range of study, and not until he had a house of
his own that he could make a library a part of its
furniture. Then the pleasant little northeast room
that looks down the meadow to the river was
chosen for a study ; and, on walls covered with the
miscellaneous contents of a country store, a few
shelves were set apart for his books. By degrees
the number rose to two hundred and fifty well-
chosen volumes, the wonder of the country round,
and which doubtless made even some of his friends,
as they thought of the precious dollars that had
been given for them, shake their heads gravely, and
say, " You never can read them all ! " There was
Euclid, his early teacher, who had given him his
first consciousness of a firm grasp upon scientific
truth. There were the four thick octavos of the
Dictionary of Arts and Sciences, answering hun-
dreds of the questions that crowded upon his
mind, and illustrating its answers, when they were
susceptible of illustration, by elaborate engravings.
He had paid " four pounds lawful " for them ; but
it was not by pounds and shillings that the pleas-
ure and profit he had derived from them could
be estimated. There was John Mair's " Book-keep-
ing Methodized," with a dictionary of commercial
terms, and an appendix full of valuable informa-
tion about the Colonial trade, — lessons gratefully
remembered when the complicated questions and
accounts of the quartermaster-general's department
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 55
came up before him. There were Locke's Essay and
Butler's Analogy. There, high in place, were the
four beautiful quartos of Blackstone from the Ox-
ford press, and near them an Edinburgh quarto,
with leaves often and thoughtfully turned, Fergu-
son's Essay on Civil Society, — a w^ork little read
now, but which was held in that day to have " a
great deal of genius and fine writing." ^ Beccaria's
golden treatise, the first application of a humane
philosophy to the theory of crimes and punish-
ments, was there also. Were not Montesquieu and
Burlamaqui, and Puffendorf and Vattel, and Hume's
essays close by its side ? I do not know positively,
though I know that a few years later he had read
Vattel and Hume ; and he could hardly have seen
the names of the others recurring so often, in books
which he is known to have read, without feeling
a strono; desire to read them too. His Roman his-
tory was Rollin, with engravings facing the title-
page ; young Pompey leading his horse before the
censors ; Regulus tearing himself from the arms of
his wife and children ; Caesar sinking under the
dagger which Brutus, with averted head, thrusts
into his bosom. His English history was Eapin ;
his rhetoric and literature, Rollin in four duodeci-
mos. There was Csesar " Englished by Duncan,"
and Horace by Smart. There was Pope's Homer,
and Pope's own poems, and the Spectator, and
Swift, whose terse simplicity he had early learned
to admire, and Tristram Shandy, whom he often
1 Hume to Robertson, May 29, 1759. Stewart's Life of Robertson.
66 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
quotes, and whose Dr. Slop he loved to unperson-
ate to the great amusement of his brothers. And
in most of these books, on a fly-leaf or the title-
page, was written Nathanael Greene's, in a bold,
round hand, which a schoolmaster might have en-
vied, but which was to lose itself almost in a swift
running-hand when thoughts crowded his pen, and
expresses, booted and spurred, waited to convey
his orders.
How soon he began to use his pen as a means
of culture I have no w^ay of ascertaining. The
earliest specimens of his writings that have been
preserved are his letters to Samuel Ward, Jr., a son
of the Governor, beginning shortly after his re-
moval to Coventry, and coming down to the mid-
dle of 1774. Some of these are regular studies of
composition ; showing less, however, the progress
he had made as a writer than the subjects to which
he had turned his thoughts, and the opinions he
had formed upon them. In one of these letters he
traces our actions to " self-love " as " the primary
mover and first principle of them all," attributing
the " hazardous actions of great and exalted spirits "
" for the good of others " to the " passion of glory,"
and the '• generous benevolence of worthy minds
in the domestic way of life " to the " greater hap-
piness " which the gratification of their benevo-
lence affords them.
In a comparison between town and country life,
he unconsciously gives us a pleasant glimpse of his
own way of enjoying life in the country. Town
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE, 57
life reminds him of a cloudy sky, country life of a
clear one, each acting upon the other by a law of
" necessary succession " ; but country life, in which
" nature seems to move gently on, undisturbed by
noise and tumult," affords an opportunity of " con-
templating her order and beauty until we arrive at
that pitch of knowledge and understanding that
the God of nature has qualified us to soar to."
He defines " virtuous manners as such acquired
habits of thought and correspondent actions as
lead to the steady prosecution of the general wel-
fare of society. Virtuous principles are such as
tend to confirm those habits by superinducing the
idea of duty." " Virtuous manners " he holds to
be " a permanent foundation for civil liberty, be-
cause they lead the passions and desires them-
selves to coincide with the appointments of civil
law." He speaks of benevolence, " What shall I
say to you of benevolence ? The example of God
teacheth the lesson truly." He speaks of friend-
ship, and finds its " principal fruit in the ease and
discharge of the swelling of the heart." " The jDur-
suit of virtue where there is no opposition," he re-
gards as " the merit of a common man ; but to
practise it in spite of all opposition is the charac-
ter of a truly great and noble soul." Sometimes
his sentiments assume the form of friendly sugges-
tion. " It is very fortunate for you to be able to
enumerate a long train of noble ancestors, but to
equal the best and excel the most is to have no
occasion for any He that enters in life with
58 LIFE OF NATn.\NAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
all the advantages of a noble birth, adorned with a
liberal education and improved by the most pious
example, cannot be excused short of an improve-
ment proportionate to the opportunity given
Learn, my friend, to distinguish between true and
false modesty. AVhat I call false modesty is not to
have resolution to deny an unreasonable request
or power to oppose a corrupt custom Have
you not felt, on seeing or reading of noble deeds or
generous actions, pleasant emotions mixt with the
desire of imitation? These are the advantages
that spring from choice books and the best of com-
pany. They inspire the mind to action, and direct
the passions."
Sometimes his thoughts, dwelling upon the
bright prospects of his young friend, revert with
a dignified consciousness to his own position. " I
hope one day to see you shine like a star of the
first magnitude, all glorious both evening and
morning I lament the want of liberal edu-
cation. I feel the mist of ignorance to surround me.
.... I was educated a Quaker, and amongst the
most superstitious sort ; and that of itself is enough
to cramp the best of geniuses, much more mine.
This constrained manner of educating their youth
has proved a fine nursery of ignorance and super-
stition instead of piety, and has laid a foundation
for farce instead of worship."
He then goes on to show that " it was not the
original intention of the Friends to prevent the
propagation of useful literature in the Church, but
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 59
only to prohibit their youth from reading such
books as may make them fools by industry " ; that
" they considered youth to be the great opportu-
nity of life, which settles or fixes most men in a
good or bad course " ; that, falling upon an age of
priestcraft, they were disgusted with a system of
education the only aim of which was to " cultivate
the youthful mind to be subservient to the after-
views " of the priesthood, and failing to distinguish
" where the evil lay," and, arguing " from the abuse
to the disuse of the thing," they confounded litera-
ture with a " vain philosophy," and while they
aimed only " to lop off the dead branches," super-
stition and ignorance, creeping in, " increased into
the decay of learning This, my dear friend,
was the foundation of my education."
It is this feeling, perhaps, that prevents him from
speaking often of books, although a mention of
them now and then creeps in. " I have been read-
ing," he writes, July 21, 1773, "Butler's Analogy
between Natural and Eevealed Religion." Some-
times his reading furnishes him with a simile,
" Griffin pursued him through Connecticut as Death
did Tristram Shandy through France." Sometimes
with a quotation, " I conclude with the contents of
one of Seneca's letters, ^ I am well, I hope you are
well, farewell.' " Once there is an attempt at hu-
mor. He sends out an imaginary messenger to
see what his friend " Sam " is a doing ; and, after
some hesitation, the messenger says : " Why, then,
— if — -.if I must, I will. I found him out in the
60 LIFE OF NATIIAN.\EL GREEXE. [1742-1775.
woods the back of the house with his winter shoes
on, new modelling his bow agreeably to the Boston
plan. He had scraped up the earth as you have
seen stray cattle when they meet, and was all be-
smeared with the dust he had raised ; he looked
like the miller in the farce." The drama, if we^nay
judge by this allusion, had attracted some share of
his attention. Once only does he quote poetry.
A " once celebrated " belle had joaid him a visit.
She was in declining health. " She appears," he
writes, " like a gaudy flower nipt by the pinch-
ing frost. I fancy she is not long for this world.
Though she flies swiftly on the wings of wild de-
sire for matrimony.
" How rich, how valued once avails thee not ;
To whom related or by whom begot.
A heap of dust alone remains of thee,
'T is all thou art, and all the proud shall be."
In these transcripts of his mind he gives us oc-
casional glimpses of himself from other points of
view. " I have been to meeting to-daj^," he writes,
of a Sunday afternoon ; " our silence was inter-
rupted by a vain, conceited minister. Ilis sermon
made me think of a certain diet called Whistle-
Belly vengeance ; he that eats most has the worst
share. lie began by asking what could be said
that had not been said : 'Much more,' thinks I, ' than
you ever thought or ever will.' Poor man ! he had
a little morsel to comfort himself, and he could n't
be contented to eat it alone, but, feeling the springs .
of benevolence rise up in his mind, he thought it
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 61
his duty to make a distribution among the whole
congregation. The assembly was so large and the
matter so light that it evaporated like smoke, and
left us neither the fuller nor the better pleased
than when he began."
Another day he was more fortunate. " There
has been a famous preacher at Greenwich. He is
a gentleman of elevated faculties, a fine speaker,
and appears by his language to be a lover of man-
kind."
Sometimes we meet a passage that gives us a
morning glance into his room ; as Cicero's licec
ante diluculum scripsi^ does into the early hours
of the great orator. " Day stands tiptoe, and the
rays of the sun begin to gild the tops of the high-
est hills and tallest trees," he writes in August,
1772; arnd sometimes a glance which shows that,
with all his love of books and application to business,
he loved a hearty merry-making still. " I am just
returned from Mr. Benjamin Gardener's wedding,"
he writes from Potowomut in January, 1774. " We
kept it up three or four days The bride was
dressed in a corded lutestring gown, flounced and
furbelowed in high taste ; her head was dressed in
a laced fly, long lappets — "and then suddenly
checking his pen, as if conscious that he was beyond
his depth, he adds, " the rest of the head-dress was
of a piece, which I leave to your imagination to
frame, as I am no great connoisseur in female fur-
niture, and am at a loss for a name to convey my
1 I wrote this before dawn.
62 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
ideas. The bride looked rich, but not neat; amia-
ble, but not handsome. So much for the wedding."
And passing to " snow-storm upon snow-storm ; all
the face of the earth is covered with virgin snow,"
he closes with another unconscious revelation of
character, showino; how strono- his local attach-
ments were, and what a hold the old homestead
had upon his affections. "Although it (the snow)
is deep and difficult to get abroad, yet I can't con-
fine myself long from Potowomut, where we ap-
jDear as the people of old did that went into the
ark, male and female."
In the summer of 1772, August 17, the forge at
Coventry was burnt down. Lotteries were the in-
surance companies of that day, and the Legislature
was petitioned for a lottery. Lest any one should
feel inclined to tax the Greenes with gambling, let
it be remembered that school-houses and churches
were built and repaired by the same means, and
that even private individuals felt authorized to
have recourse to them for the reparation of pri-
vate losses.
" Whereas," say the records, " John Greene &
Compan}', and Griffin Greene all of Coventry ; and
Nathaniel Greene & Company preferred a petition,
and represented unto this Assemljly that, on the
night of the 17tli instant, the buildino-s of the foro-e
in said Coventry, of which they were owners, were
entirely consumed by fire ; that the loss is so great
that they cannot repair it without assistance ; that
some of them are considerably indebted, have in-
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 6
o
creasing families to maintain, and by the said mis-
fortune are deprived of their principal dependence ;
that although they the petitioners are the immedi-
ate sufferers, yet many others must consequently
share in the calamity, as a considerable part of the
country adjacent were employed by means of said
forge, which also furnished a very material and
expensive article for shipping ; and that, if the said
forge be not repaired, the anchor works, which still
remain, will be in a manner useless ; and thereupon
prayed this Assembly to grant them a lottery to
raise the sum of $ 2,500 under the direction of
Messrs. William Greene, Christopher Greene, and
Charles Holden, they giving bond for the faithful
performance of the said trust ; on consideration
whereof
" Be it enacted by this General Assembly and by
the authority thereof it is enacted, that the afore-
said petition be, and the same is hereby granted." ^
Two years later Nathaniel Greene & Company
relinquished their interest in the lottery, which by
a new act, in compliance with a new petition, was
made over to Griffin Greene, whose name we shall
often meet as a favorite cousin of the General.^ A
letter to William Greene gives the story from an-
other point of view.
" Coventry, August 23, 1772.
" News of our misfortune in the destruction of the forge
doubtless will reach you before this. We have made ap-
1 Bartlett, R. I. Records, Vol. VII. stated in the text, see the same vol-
p. 52. For numerous instances of ume, passim.
similar grants, to the full extent ^ Records ut sitjj. 242.
64 LIFE OF NATnAN.\EL GREENE. [1742-1775.
plication to the General Asseml)ly for a lottery, which
have obtained a grant of. You, jNIr. Christopher Greene,
and Charles Holden, are appointed directors. I must
entreat you to accept of that trust, lest it should defeat
the whole scheme. I am confident the satisfaction of as-
sisting the unfortunate will give you as much pleasure
as will balance the trouble and diflEiculty you '11 experi-
ence upon the occasion. I urge it more on my uncle
and Griffin's account than our own ; and had it not been
for them we had not adopted this method to recover part
of our loss, but the injury was too great for them to re-
cover themselves without the aid and assistance of their
friends. The loss is much greater in its consequences to
us than it would be in its own nature, for uncle's loss is
our loss, for this unhappy affair will put it out of his pow-
er to pay us our demands for some time, if ever he gets
able." 1
Thus much for the lottery, which I have thought
too mteresting an illustration of ninety years ago
to be passed over in silence.
" I have had a most severe turn of the phthisic or
asthma," the letter continues ; " I have not slept six hours
in four nights, being obliged to sit up the two last nights.
I hope you and your family enjoy a better state of health.
If ever I felt the benefit of philosophy it has been upon
this occasion, for I felt as calm and as contented as old
Socrates when condemned unjustly by the /Athenians."
This is the first mention of a disease which stuck
to him through life ; and if we feel a smile stealing
1 I am indebted for tlie original left in blank are covered with memo-
of this letter to Lieutenant-Governor randa of names and numbers, show-
William Greene, the grandson of the ing how industriously the trust was
William to whom it was written, fulfilled.
All the parts of iho sheet originally
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 65
to our lips at the self-congratulatory comparison
with Socrates, we may remember that Greene was
not a mere declaimer, trying to embellish a sen-
tence, but a student of real life, trying to form him-
self for its duties by the example of great men.
A few days after the fire he wrote to Samuel
Ward : " Your letter reached me the morning
after the destruction of the forge. I sat upon the
remains of one of the old shafts and read it. I was
surrounded with gloomy faceSj piles of timber still
in flames, heaps of bricks dasht to pieces, bushels
of coal reduced to ashes ; — everything seemed to
appear in ruin and confusion." The letter troubled
him too. Some expressions in one of his own let-
ters had been misunderstood, and his young friend
had been wounded by them. "I read over your
letter once or twice," Greene writes, " before I
could satisfy myself whether the surprise I felt was
the effect of the loss, or from the contents of the
letter." He defends himself warmly ; but a sweet
tone of affection runs through his defence, and,
withdrawing for a moment the veil of his feelings,
he confesses that " a contest has been going on in
his bosom, that his breast has been like a theatre
of strife and a field of battle, where reason and pas-
sion contend with various successes of power and
victory." If we would know why he was thus " at
variance " with himself, and continually " torn and
distracted with civil feuds of his own disturbed im-
agination" we must go a little more into detail
and withdraw the veil still further.
66 LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENR [1742-1775.
There were many things in young Samuel Ward
to draw Greene towards him, notwithstanding the
fourteen years' difference in their ages. Nature
had given him fine talents. The happy fortune of
his birth had brought him early into contact with
cultivated men. He laid the foundation of his
education betimes, graduating at Rhode Island
Colleo-e on its third commencement, and with hio-h
honors, although not yet turned of sixteen. As he
came out into life it was seen that sound principles,
force of ^vill, self-control, and generous sentiments
formed a part of that education ; exalted, all of
them, by an honorable ambition, and vivified by a
dash of bold enterprise. How resolutely he bore
the privations of the march through the wilder-
ness, how bravely he fought under the walls of
Quebec, how gallantly he faced the Hessians at
Red Bank, how adventurously, when the war was
ended, he carried the flag of the new republic into
the China seas, with what placid serenity he re-
turned to the plough when his midday was passed,
closing the active portion of his long career amid
the woods and fields, cheerfully sowing where his
hand might not be permitted to gamer, and plant-
ing trees whose fruit he could never hope to see,
are things which it is not now my office to tell.
But I cannot write his name upon the same
page with that of my grandfather, without re-
calling, as if it were but of yesterday, the rev-
erence with which, thirty years ago, and with
eyes already accustomed to look upon historical
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 67
men, I looked upon his venerable form as bent,
but not broken by age, he would talk to me of
Horace, his daily companion, or, at my urgent
request, call forth from his faithful memory
some pleasing recollection of the friend of his
youth.
And now, if we bear in mind Greene's political
ties, we shall see how naturally his relations with
the father would ripen into still closer relations
with the son. And if we remember the longing
with which he looked to the intellectual " Canaan "
amid whose pleasant places his young friend was
roaming at will, while his own feet, like those of
" Moses of old," were stayed by the waters of " Jor-
dan," we shall see how much this intimate connec-
tion with one so highly favored must have ap-
peared to him like standing on the brink of the
stream, and catching a breath from the hallowed
region beyond.
But besides all this, Samuel \yard had a sister
who was exceeding fair in the eyes of his friend ;
a maiden in whom all the noble instincts of the
father and brother looked out through soft eyes
of bluish gray, strengthening the harmony of well-
matched features, deepening at times the tints
upon rosy cheeks, and imparting dignity to a form
which, although not above the middle size, was full
of symmetry and grace. In the intimacy of coun-
try life, Greene had seen her grow up from girl-
hood to womanhood, and learned as he talked with
her and looked upon her to give her his love.
68 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
But she could only give him friendship in return,
and for a long while the alternations of hope and
fear, the effort to awaken a warmer feeling, and
the Q:rowin2: consciousness that his efforts were
vain, seem to have " overwhelmed " him as they
have overwhelmed the lovers of all generations
with " agreeable distress and pleasant pains." And
this it was that made him feel " at variance with
himself " ; and the meditative habits which his
natural disposition and his mode of life encouraged
must have greatly contributed to increase and pro-
lono* the aficitation.
It was fortunate for him that just at this time
public questions began to demand a larger share
of his attention. The dispute with England was
rapidly assuming a more decided form, and making
it necessary for men of all classes to choose their
side in the approaching contest. For Greene this
decision involved another decision, which he could
not make without pain, although he made it with-
out hesitation. He saw that nothinor but a reso-
lute appeal to arms could save the colonies from
absolute subjection to the royal prerogative. He
felt that his country had the same right to his ser-
vices in the field which he had recognized as her
unquestionable right in the council-chamber. But
he knew that he could not take a sword in his
hand without exposing himself to be cast out from
the religious society with which he had lived in
unbroken harmony from his earliest childhood.
Amid the little nameless mounds that dotted the
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREEXE. 69
greensward on the west side of the Quaker meet-
ing-house, there was one which he knew to be the
grave of his mother, and by the same path by
which, when but a boy of ten, he had followed her
body to its resting-place, he had in riper years
followed two brothers and his father to their places
by her side. How could he cut himself off from a
seat in the building in which he had so often lis-
tened to his father's voice, and his rio^ht to a o-rave
in a spot consecrated by the graves of father and
mother and brothers ?
His heart was tender, and his personal and local
attachments strong ; but he took his resolution de-
liberately, and ever after abided firmly by it. Yet
although from the first his sentiments must have
been known to the " meeting," and consequently
condemned, it was not till he had made a public
profession of them by attending a military pa-
rade at Plainfield, near the Rhode Island border,
that it took public notice of them. Then says the
record : —
" At our monthly meeting, held at Cranston on
the 5th of seventh month, 1773 Whereas,
this meeting is informed that Nathanael and Griffin
Greene have (been) at a place in Connecticut of
public resort where they had no proper business,
therefore this meeting appoints Ephraim Congdon,
Jared Greene, and Cary Spencer to make inquiry
into the matter, and to make report at our next
monthly meeting."
And when the next meetins; came too;ether, it
70 LIFE OF NATIL\>'AEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
was further resolved : " At our monthly meeting at
East Greenwich y^ 2d of the eighth month, 1773,
The committee appointed to inquire into the con-
duct of Nathanael Greene and Griffin Greene re-
port that they have had no opportunity with
them as yet. Therefore it is continued to our next
monthly meeting."
There was an evident reluctance to proceed to
extremities against the son and nephew of an emi-
nent preacher. The next meeting was held at
" Cranston on y^ Gth day of y^ ninth month," and
still the blow was suspended. " In the matter re-
ferred to this meetino; concernins; Nathanael Greene
and Griffin Greene, the committee report that they
have treated with them, but they have given no
satisfaction as j'et. Whereupon this meeting con-
tinues it once more, and desires the clerk to in-
form them of the same."
Another month passes, both parties meeting con-
stantly the while in the pursuit of their customary
avocations. The next meeting is held at East
Greenwich, in the very building wherein for almost
thirty years his face had been one of the most
familiar, and there on " y^ 30th day of y® ninth
month " the clerk writes with reluctant pen, — " The
matter referred to this meetino; conceruino; Na-
thanael Greene and Griffin Greene, as they have
not given this meeting any satisfaction for their
outgoing and misconduct, therefore this meeting
doth put them from under the care of the meeting
until they make satisfaction for their misconduct,
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 71
and appoint John Greene to inform them of the
same." ^
Ah'eady this same year he had been menaced,
with a more dangerous accusation. " One of the
Gaspee's people has sworn against me as being con-
cerned in the destruction of her I should
be tempted to let the sun shine through him if I
could come at him," he writes Samuel Ward. The
idea of being " called to the bar as a criminal," in
such a cause, has its ludicrous side also. " Would
it not make you laugh," he writes, "to see the
Colonel stand in that attitude ? "
And now military books began to make their
appearance on his shelves, purchased, most of
them, an authentic tradition says, at the bookstore
of Henry Knox, whom he had known thus far
only as a bookseller, but whom he was soon to
meet in camp, and to live with throughout the
rest of his life as a cherished friend. Then came
the organization of the Kentish Guards. His
separation from the Quakers was complete and
irrevocable.
One more trace of his interest in another class
of questions remains. Rhode Island College had
been established in 1764 (February 27), and gave
promise of becoming an important institution.
There was still, however, as late as 1770 (February
7), an uncertainty about the best place for a per-
manent location ; all the principal towns of the
1 MSS. records. I am indebted for ray friend and schoolmate, James H.
my copy of the passages in the text to Eldridge, M.D., of East Greenwich.
72 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
State claiming it on the ground of peculiar local
advantages. Greene took an active part in the
discussion, advocating the claims of East Green-
Tvich.^
Erelong another decisive change in his per-
sonal condition followed. Just where the hill on
whose eastern slope East Greenwich is built be-
gins to fall away on the west towards a deep
and smiling valley stands the house of Governor
Greene, — a large house for the early Colonial days
in which it was built, and to whose unadorned walls
association still gives such an air of simple dignity
that you instinctively pause and look around you
before you cross the threshold ; for there are few
of Rhode Island's great men who have not crossed
it, and in its little southwest parlor, whose w^estern
window overlooks the valley, Franklin loved to sit
and look upon the pleasant landscape. But it
was not to sit where Franklin had sat, or even
to discuss, with the future governor, the anxious
questions of the day, that Greene stopped so often
and so long in his frequent passings by. But that
little parlor was lighted now by eyes of bluish
gra}^, which smiled upon him till he forgot in
whom he had first learned to love such eyes, and
a form light and agile in his favorite dance, and a
merry laugh from dewy lips, and a lively wit, and a
heart all ready to meet his own in equal exchange.
1 "Guild's History of Brown Uni- interesting chapters of this authentic
versify. The history of the location and important work,
of this institution is one of the most
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 73
The maiden's name was Catherine Littlefield, and
she was a niece of the governor's wife, the Cather-
ine Ray of Franklin's letters. The courtship sped
swiftly and smoothly ; and more than once, in
the course of it, he followed her to Block Island,
where, as long after, her sister told me, the time
passed gleefully in merry-makings, of which dan-
cing always formed a principal part. And, on the
12th of July, 1774, it was certified, under the
hand of David Sprague, Clerke, " to all whom it
may concern That The intention of marriage was
Published in the congregation assembled For Di-
vine Worship in Newshoreham meeting-house
Three days of Publick Worship Between Mr. Na-
thanial Greene of Coventry in the County of Kint
and Catharine Littlefield a Daughter of John Little-
field Esq. at Newshoreham in the county of New-
port and no objection was made to forbid their
marriage." On the same days, the worshippers at
the " Episcopal Church at Providence " received a
similar notice, as is testified, in a clear, copy-book
hand, by the rector, J. Greaves. And a third cer-
tificate being given, on the 18th, by Stephen
Arnold, Clerk of the Court of Common Pleas, the
requisitions of law and custom were fulfilled. Al-
ready, on the 10th, he had written : —
" Friend Samuel, — Please to deliver the enclosed
cards to your sisters. On the 20th this instant, I expect
to be married to Miss Kitty Littlefield, at your uncle
Greene's. As a relation of hers, and friend of mine,
your company will be required on that occasion."
74 LIFE OF NATHAN.^L GREENE. [1742-1775.
But a sterner note mingles menacingly with the
marriage-bell. " The soldiers in Boston," he goes
on to say, " are insolent above measure. Soon,
very soon, I expect to hear the thirsty earth drink-
ing in the warm blood of American sons. Oh,
how my e3^es flash with indignation, and my bosom
burns with holy resentment ! .... 0 Boston !
Boston ! would to heaven that the good angel that
destroyed the army of Sennacherib might now in-
terpose, and rid you of your oppressors ! How is
the design of government subverted ! "
The 20th of July came, and in the little room
hallowed by the recollections of Franklin Greene
received the hand of his bride ; and then, through
those green roads and lanes, which looked greener
and lovelier than ever before, he led her home to
Coventry.
Time now passed swiftl}^ Public life and pri-
vate life crowded close upon each other. His
forge, his books, the society of his wife, were occu-
pation enough for one whom ambition had scarcely
touched, and whose thoughts had never wandered
far from his paternal fields. But the legislature
met often, and each session brought up questions
of great moment. Solomon Southwick, of New-
port, had just published Lord Somers's " Judgment
of whole Kingdoms and Nations concerning the
Eights, Powers, and Prerogatives of Kings, and the
Rights, Privileges, and Properties of the People " ;
and as the legislators of Rhode Island read this
inculcation of the duty of " resisting evil and de-
1742-1775.J LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 75
structive princes," they felt their own resolution
strengthened, and saw the path of duty grow
plainer to their eyes. All began to feel that " the
time (was) near approaching when (they) must
gird on (their) swords, and ride forth to meet their
enemies." -^ Greene's feelings toward the minis-
try find their way into his letters to his wife. " Re-
member me to the Doctor, and tell him if he don't
make a perfect cure, or lay a good foundation for
it, I'll put him on board of a man-of-war, and send
him to England to be tryed for the heinous offence
of disaffection to Arbitrary Government and Minis-
terial tyranny." It is from such letters that we
learn what the habitual tone of his conversation
must have been. The drills of militia and inde-
pendent companies continued. The calls for arms
became constant, and manufactories sprang up in
different parts of the State to answer them. The ac-
tion of Congress was approved in an extra session
of the Assembly.^ Committees of inspection were
on the alert. All eyes were turned anxiously to-
wards Boston. Money and provisions were sent
to the inhabitants, already straitened by the Port
Bill.^ In December, as we have already seen. Fort
George was dismantled, and the cannon secured
for the use of the Colony.* The use of tea was
1 Extract from a letter from a gen- Greene's friend, Varnum. Bartlett
tleman in Connecticut, published in R. I. Rec, Vol. VII. p. 303.
Force's Archives. * " Six twenty-four-pounders, eigh-
2 R. I. Records, Vol. VII. p. 263. teen eighteen-pounders, fourteen six-
^ See, among others, the East pounders, and six four-pounders."
Greenwich resolutions, drawn by Captain Wallace to Admiral Graves,
76 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
suspended. " We will have nothing to do with the
East India Company's irksome tea, nor any other
subject to the like duty," say the Middletown re-
solves.^ At Providence, " about twelve o'clock at
noon, the town-crier" passed through the town,
giving notice, "At five o'clock this afternoon, a
quantity of India tea will be burnt in the market-
place. All true friends of their country, lovers of
freedom and haters of shackles and handcuffs, are
hereby invited to testify their good disposition, by
bringing in and casting into the fire a needless herb
which for a long time hath been highly detrimental
to our liberty, interest, and health." About three
hundred pounds were burnt "by the firm con-
tenders for the true interest of America. A tar-
barrel, Lord North's speech, Rivingston's and Mill's
and Hicks's newspapers and divers other ingredients
were also added, .... many worthy women ....
making a free-will offering of their respective stocks
of the hurtful trash. On this occasion the bells were
tolled ; but it is referred to the learned whether
tolling or ringing would have been most proper.
Whilst the tea was burning a spirited son of liberty
went along the streets with his brush and lamp-
black, and obliterated or unpainted the word tea
on the shop signs."
This was in March, 1775;^ and these anxieties
and preparations of feeling went on gaining
Dec. 12, 1774. R. I. Rec, Vol. VII. i Arnold's Rhode Island, Vol. II.
p. 306. Wallace's letter is a good il- p. 330.
lustration of the feeling on both sides. 2 Force's Am. Archives, 4th Series,
IIow differently tlio name sounds in Vol. II. p. 15 ; also Arnold's Rhode
Scottish history and in American ! Island, Vol. II. p. 345.
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. U
strength through the first weeks of April. Then,
on the afternoon of the 19th, a messenger fresh
from the field reached Providence, with tidings
that the regulars and the colonists were fight-
ing at Lexington. The news passed quickly from
mouth to mouth, each new narrator giving it the
coloring of his own mind. " War, war, boys ! "
John Howland heard one man say : " there is war ;
the regulars have marched out of Boston ; a great
many men are killed ; war, war, boys ! " ^ Men
gathered in groups on the parade, inquiring the
news, the officers of the four independent compa-
nies amonoj them. The drmn beat to arms. It
was sundown before the men could be all got to-
gether, and then Sessions, the Lieutenant-Governor,
would not hearken to their earnest appeals for
marching orders. Wanton, the Governor, lived at
Newport, thirty miles 'off! Without orders, the
officers were reluctant to march, for they knew
that their legal authority would cease the moment
they crossed the boundary line ; and, true Anglo-
Saxons, even in this uprising which strict law
would have called rebellion, they would feign have
preserved the forms of law. Adopting, therefore,
a middle course, they despatched an express to
Boston, resolved, if they were needed, to march
without taking further thought of the Governor's
consent.
Meanwhile, the tidings passed on, from farm-
house to farm-house, from town to io\\n. It was
1 Stone's Howland, p. 40.
78 LIFE OF NATILVNAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
already night when they reached Greene at Cov-
entry ; but he instantly mounted his horse, and
hurried oflf to the alarm-post of the Kentish
C?uards, at Greenwich, stopping at the house of a
friend named Madison, — who still, in my early man-
hood, lived to tell the story, — to borrow a few dol-
lars in hard money. The Guards set out by dawn,
with Yarnum at their head. It was early in the
morning when they passed through Providence.
" I viewed the company as they marched up the
street," said John Rowland, "and observed Na-
thaniel Greene, with his musket on his shoulder,
in the ranks, as a private. I distinguished Mr.
Greene, whom I had frequently seen, by the mo-
tion of his shoulder in the march, as one of his
legs was shorter than the other." ^ It was the stiff-
ness in his knee which gave him that halt in his
gait, and the musket on his shoulder was the Eng-
lish musket he had bought in Boston. At Paw-
tucket, just as they were crossing the line, a
messenger from the Tory Governor, Wanton, over-
took them, with orders to turn back. The com-
pany obeyed ; but Greene, procuring a horse,
pushed on with three companions, two of them
his brothers. On the way, messengers met them
with information that the British troops had been
driven into Boston.
On the 2 2d, the Assembly met at Providence,
and "Voted and resolved, that fifteen hundred
men be enlisted, raised, and embodied, as aforesaid,
^ Stone's Ilowland, ut sup.
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 79
with all the expedition and despatch that the thing
will admit of." This little army was to serve at
home as an army of observation, " and also, if it
be necessary for the safety and preservation of any
of the Colonies, to march out of this Colony, and join
and co-operate with the forces of the neighboring
Colonies." In the same session, " a committee was
appointed to wait upon the General Assembly of
Connecticut to consult with them upon measures
for the common defence of the four New England
Colonies, and that they make report to this Assem-
bly at the next session." Samuel Ward and Wil-
liam Bradford were made the committee ; and
Ward, being unable to serve, on account of his
duties as delegate to Congress, " It (was) voted
and resolved, that M""- Nathanael Greene be, and
he is hereby, appointed " in his place.
In the following week the Assembly met again,
not at Newport, as they should have done, but, for
greater security, at Providence -, and, promptly
meeting the great question of the hour, pro-
ceeded to organize their army of observation.
The number, as we have already seen, was fixed at
fifteen hundred men. These were now "formed
into one brigade, under the command of a briga-
dier-general," the brigade to be "divided into
three regiments, each of which shall be com-
manded by one colonel, one lieutenant-colonel, and
one major, .... each regiment to consist of eight
companies," — one of the companies to be " a train
of artillery and have the use of the Colony's field-
80 LIFE OF NATHAN .VEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
pieces." Then passing to the choice of officers,
the name of Nathanael Greene was placed first on
the list as brigadier-general.
As we look at this choice from our present point
of view, we are instinctively led to class it among
those events wherein human wisdom, recognizing
its own weakness, seeks for the explanation of its
impulses in a direct interposition of an overruling
Providence. But there were human causes also,
and we cannot but long to know them. Greene
had never held a military commission. The Col-
ony had its militia organization and its major-
general, Simeon Potter. Why not choose for the
responsible office a man of military associations ?
Varnum, the colonel of the Kentish Guards, was a
brilliant and popular man. Why go to his ranks
for a brio-adier-eeneral ? We find Greene em-
plo^-ed, it is true, in the revisal of the militia laws,
and on the mission to Connecticut, in which mili-
tary organization would be more or less fully dis-
cussed. It is probable, also, that his late military
reading had given precision and distinctness to his
language upon military questions. Still, the main
clew escapes us, although I cannot but feel that
something was owing to his personal relations with
Governor Ward. There is a tradition, but I w^ll not
vouch for it, that the first choice fell upon an Epis-
copalian, who declined ; the second, on a Congrega-
tionalist, who also declined ; and that, when the
third vote was announced as havino: ftillen on
Greene, he rose in his place, and said : "■ Since the
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 81
Episcopalian and Congregationalist won't, I sup-
pose the Quaker must."
Wanton, though re-elected Governor in spite of
his Tory proclivities, having failed to qualify, Henry
Ward, Secretary of the Colony, was " authorized
and fully empowered to sign the commissions of
all officers civil and military, .... receiving there-
for, out of the general treasury, two shillings and
eight pence for each commission." ^ And accord-
ingly, on the 8th of May, 1775, impressing Rhode
Island's anchor on the left-hand corner of an open
sheet of common foolscap, he wrote in a clear and
beautiful hand : —
" By the Honorable the General Assembly of the English Col-
ony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations in New
England in America.
" To Nathaniel Greene, Esquire,
Greeting :
" Whereas, for the Preservation of the Rights and Lib-
erties of His Majesty's loyal and faithful Subjects in this
Colony and America, the aforesaid General Assembly have
ordered Fifteen Hundred Men to be inlisted and embodied
into an Army of Observation, and to be formed into one
Brigade under the command of a Brigadier-General, and
have appointed you the said Nathaniel Greene Brigadier-
General of the said Army of Observation : You are, there-
fore, hereby in His Majesty's Name George the Third, by
the Grace of God King of Great Britain, &c., authorized,
empowered, and commissioned to have, take, and exercise
the Office of Brigadier-General of the said Army of Obser-
vation, and to command, guide, and conduct the same, or
1 For these statements generally, see Bartlett, ut sup., Vol. VII.
6
82 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
any Part thereof. And in Case of Invasion or Assault of
a Common Enemy, to disturb this or any other of His
Majesty's Colonies in America, you are to alarm and
gather together the Army under your Command, or any
Part thereof, as you shall deem sufficient, and therewith
to the utmost of your Skill and Ability you are to resist,
expel, kill, and destroy them in Order to preserve the In-
terest of His Majesty and His good Subjects in these Parts.
You are also to follow such instructions, Directions, and
Orders as shall from Time to Time be given forth, either
by the General Assembly or your superior Officers. And
for your so doing this Commission shall be your sufficient
Warrant.
" By Virtue of an Act of the said General Assembly, I,
Henry Ward, Esq^, Secretary of the said Colony, have
hereunto set my Hand and the seal of the said Colony
this Eighth Day of May, A. D. 1775, and in the Fifteenth
Year of His said Majesty's Reign.
" Henry Ward." i
Details of organization and preparation followed.
There were questions to arrange with the gov-
ernment, and, at the last moment, with the Com-
mittee of Safety. His private affairs, too, might
have claimed some share of his attention, but he
threw them upon his brothers; and never, from
that moment, gave them more than a cursory
glance. There were little details, however, which
he did not forget, and, among them, to direct
James Gould, of Newport, who had made him many
a suit of drab, to make him a suit of uniform, and
"send it to Cambridge by Wednesday."
1 From the original among the Greene papers.
1742-1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 83
And then, on the 2d of June, he wrote his Avife
from Providence : —
"My dear Wife, — I am tliis moment going to set
off for camp, having been detained by the Committee of
Safety till now. I have recommended you to the care of
my brethren ; direct your conduct by their advice, unless
they should so far forget their affection for me as to re-
quest anything unworthy of you to comply with. In that
case, maintain your own independence until my return,
which, if Providence allows, I will see justice done you ;
but I have no reason to think but that you '11 be very
kindly and affectionately treated in my absence. I have
not so much in my mind that wounds my peace, as the
separation from you. My bosom is knitted to yours by
all the gentle feelings that inspire the softest sentiments
of conjugal love. It had been happy for me if I could
have lived a private life in peace and plenty, enjoying all
the happiness that results from a well-tempered society,
founded on mutual esteem. The social feelings that ac-
companies such an intercourse is a faint emblem of the
divine saints inhabiting eternity. But the injury done my
country, and the chains of slavery forging for posterity,
calls me forth to defend our common rights, and repel the
bold invaders of the sons of freedom. The cause is the
cause of God and man. Slavery shuts up every avenue
that leads to knowledge, and leaves the soul ignorant of
its own importance ; it is rendered incapable of promot-
ing human happiness or piety or virtue ; and he that be-
trays that trust, being once acquainted with the pleasure
and advantages of knowledge and freedom, is guilty of a
spiritual suicide. I am determined to defend my rights,
1 I take this from the original or- and fourth generation, pursue with re-
dei'-book of James Gould, preserved spectability and skill their hereditary
by his grandchildren, David and Na- trade, under the name of Gould and
than Gould, who still, in the third Son.
84 LIFE OF NATH.\^'AEL GREENE. [1742-1775.
and maintain my freedom, or sell my life in the attempt ;
and I hope the righteous God that rules the world will
bless the armies of America, and receive the spirits of those
whose lot it is to fall in action into the paradise of God,
into whose protection I commend you and myself; and
am, with truest regard, your loving husband,
" N. Greene."
And thus, with a mind enriched and strength-
ened b}'^ study ; with habits of careful investiga-
tion and patient thought ; with principles drawn
from reading and meditation, and tested by expe-
rience in practical legislation ; with the accuracy
of a man of business, and the breadth of a man
of speculation ; trained to observe and to listen ;
painstakmg and cautious in the formation of opin-
ions, but prompt and resolute in action ; accus-
tomed to deal with men ; not unused to responsi-
bility ; and casting the pleasures of domestic life
and the tranquil pursuits he loved behind him,
he went forth, at the age of thirty-two, to take his
place among great men, and fight the battles of
his country.
BOOK SECOND.
FROM HIS APPOINTMENT TO THE COIVIMAND OF
THE RHODE ISLAND ARMY OF OBSERVATION TO
HIS APPOINTMENT AS QUARTERMASTER-GENERAL.
1775-1778.
BOOK SECOND.
FROM HIS APPOINTMENT TO THE COMMAND OF THE
RHODE ISLAND ARMY OF OBSERVATION TO HIS AP-
POINTMENT AS QUARTERMASTER-GENERAL.
1775-1778.
CHAPTER I.
New Phase in Greene's Life. — Condition of Rhode Island Camp. —
Effects of his Presence. — Council of War at Cambridge. — Ward's
Head-quarters. — Colonial Troops independent of each other. —
Greene devotes himself to disciplining his Brigade. — Difficulties
of the Task. — Drunkenness. — Punishments. — Hard Work. —
Treated with " Great Respect" by the General Officers. — Bunker
Hill. — Active Siege. — Dishonest Agents. — Arrival of Washing-
ton. — Charles Lee. — Greene sends an Address to Washington. —
His Satisfaction at Washington's Appointment.
/~^ REENE now enters upon a new phase of de-
^-^ velopment, still partly formative, for he had
his new profession to learn ; but partly ajDplicative
also, for he brought to the study of it his life-long
habits of work, both with mind and body, and his
experience in practical legislation. One part of
that experience stood him promptly in stead,
— the dealing with the passions and caprices of
men, — for, on Saturday, the 3d of June, when
he reached the Rhode Island camp at Jamaica
Plains, he found it " in great commotion " ; the
men " a factious set " ; the officers unable to control
88 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1775.
them ; " several companies with clubbed muskets,"
upon the point of starting for home ; " the com-
missaries beaten off " ; an " excitement " which, " in
a few days more, would have proved fatal to the
campaign." His arrival checked the confusion,
men and officers turning to him with hope, if not
yet with perfect confidence. " Never," he writes,
"was a man so little deservins: so welcome." It
was hard work " to limit people accustomed to so
much latitude " ; but he applied himself strenu-
ously to the task, and "made several arrangements
for order," with apparently good success ; for, on
the 5th, he writes to his wife : " I am well, but very
much fatigued, .... not having slept above six
hours in two nights." Colonel Yarnum had not
yet arrived. " I wish you would forward Colonel
Yarnum's regiment," he -writes to his brother Jacob,
the same day; "he will be a welcome guest in
camp ; I expect much from his and his troops'
example."
On the same day, too, he was " summoned to a
meeting with the generals," at Cambridge, in that
quaint old house which, with the added associa-
tions of a historian's hfe and a poet's birth therein,^
still looks across the Common, from its modest
nook, upon almost its only remaining contempo-
rary, the Washington Elm. It was in this house
that Ward had established his head-quarters, and,
with Spencer, Putnam, Heath, and Thomas, was
^ Abiel Holmes, author of the An- works in it ; and Oliver Wendell
nals, lived and wrote his principal Holmes was bom in it.
1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 89
trying to give shape and order to the young army.
At first, each Colonial general commanded the
troops of his own Colony, independently of the
other generals. But gradually the conviction that
there must be a single head crept in, and, when
Washington came. Ward had already hegmi to be
looked up to as commander-in-chief.^
In the beginning, Greene found enough to do
in his own brigade ; for he saw plainly, that, with-
out discipline, it would be impossible to keep his
men together, much less prepare them for service.
Fortunately, among his officers there were several
who, like himself, had been taught their drill by
the drill-master of the Kentish Guards,^ And
thus he w^as enabled, from the first, to give the
exercises of his three regiments a uniformity
that was sadly wanting in the others, in which
every colonel had a system of his own,^ neither
the Norfolk exercises nor the regulations for 1764
for the King's troops being universally accepted.
A daily exercise was ordered for commissioned
and non-commissioned officers. At four, the whole
battalion was mustered and paraded, none but the
sick, or those engaged in other duties, being ex-
cused.* What the first parades were, and w^hat
1 Frothingham, Siege of Boston, war," I think it probable that Major
p. 101. Box and the English sergeant were
2 In writing to Timothy Picker- the same person.
ing in 1779, he speaks with great ^ Kapp's Steuben, p. 127.
warmth of the aid received from Ma- * Regimental orders, MS. I am
jor Box ; and from what he says of indebted for the use of this manu-
this officer's services in "exercising script to my kinsman and old school-
and forming independent companies mate, Daniel Rowland Greene, M.D.,
previous to the commencenaent of the of East Greenwich.
90 LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. [1775.
ideas of military etiquette some of the officers
and men brought with them, the regimental
order of the day for the 8th of June will show :
'• That Colonel Hitchcock's regiment parade on
Wednesday every week, precisely at half after
three o'clock, and march round the Square. The
Colonel expects, in that parade, that every officer
appear in his uniform, and that care is taken by
the officers that every soldier be clean, and as
neatly dressed as possible ; and that no one who
has breeches be permitted to wear trousers, nor to
parade without having on his stockings and shoes ;
and that, during the march, no soldier be permit-
ted to talk. As the regiment has gained honor
from their regular performance of exercise, 'tis
fully expected by the Colonel, that the officers
spare no pains to instruct themselves in the exer-
cise." The same order, it may be presumed, ex-
tended to the other regiments.
An order of the 10th provides for the proper
cleaning of the firelocks : " That the officers of the
several companies in Colonel Hitchcock's reghuent
call their companies together this forenoon, and
see that every soldier's firelock be washed clean,
and that some non-commissioned officer strictly
attend while the guns are washing, and take special
care that no one washes his gun without taking
off the lock. 'T is expected that every company
washes their firelocks with hot water."
An order of the 4th of July directs, " That every
captain in Colonel Hitchcock's regiment make a
1775.] LIFE OF NATH.INAEL GREENE. 91
return of the number of firelocks, of the number
of rounds of powder and ball, number of tools and
implements of all kinds in his company, and who-
ever has lost any implements, the names of the
persons who lost them, — the return to be made
this day."
It was found, too, upon trial, that the daily ex-
ercise already established was not sufficient to
overcome those inequalities wdiich are always
found where many study the same thing together.
On the 6th of July it was ordered, " That a drill
be established for the instruction of those who are
deficient in exercise, from ten to eleven o'clock in
the forenoon every day; that the drill be com-
manded either by a commissioned or a non-
commissioned officer of the several companies by
rotation, beginning with Captain Thayer's com-
pany ; that the drill parade for exercise before the
Laboratory ; and 't is expected that every officer
will strictly see that all those who are deficient in
exercise in their company constantly attend the
same at the time fixed for holding the drill." By
the 28th of June, Greene was enabled to write
that, ''' though raw, irregular, and undisciplined,"
his men were "under much better government
than any round about Boston."
The greatest obstacle to the establishment of
good discipline was in the officers rather than the
men. Some did their duty; but for others, the
transition from the equality of home life to the dis-
tinctions of camp was exceedingly difficult. " Some
92 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1775.
captains, and many subordinate officers, neglect
their duty," Avrites Greene ; " some through fear of
offending their soldiers, some through laziness, and
some through obstinacy. This makes the task of
the field officers very laborious. I have warned
them of their negligence many times, and am de-
termined to break every one for the future who
shall lay himself open to it." A corporal in Hitch-
cock's regiment had already been " reduced to the
ranks for repeated neglect of duty, and disobe-
dience to his captain."^
Another great obstacle to good order was drunk-
enness. The first court-martial recorded in Hitch-
cock's orderly-book was a regimental court-martial
called to decide upon a case of intoxication. Jere-
miah Olney, whose name we shall meet often here-
after, was president, and Stephen Olney a member.
The culprit was Peter Young, who, being " sent for
and examined, plead not guilty of the charge.
Captain John Angell, captain of the guard, June
21, deposeth and saith, that the prisoner, Peter
Young, was confined in the guard-house by Colo-
nel Miller, at ten o'clock at night, for being found
in liquor ; who, when confined, behaved himself in
a very indecent and contemptuous manner ; damn-
ing the man that confined him, and also the man
that kept him in confinement, throwing his hat
about the guard-house. And the prisoner being
present heard Captain Angell's evidence, and said
he had no evidence to confute the same. The
1 Orderly-book, ut sup.
1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 93
Court, upon mature deliberation, are of opinion
that the prisoner, Peter Young, be sentenced to
ride the wooden horse fifteen minutes, with two
guns tied at his feet, and ten minutes without
guns, as an adequate punishment for his crime."
This, however, was merely a meeting of individ-
ual cases. To meet the evil itself, Greene wrote
directly to the Provincial Congress of Massachu-
setts, requesting them to interpose their authority,
and prevent the sale of intoxicating liquors with-
in the limits of the camp.^
It was not easy to adapt civil punishments to
military offences. Legislators shrank at first
from the severity which, as the war continued,
became almost habitual. In the Rhode Island
"Rules and Orders for the Army of Observation,"
only three articles out of fifty-three impose capital
punishment ; and in two out of those three the
court-martial is left free to order " such other pun-
ishment" as it may think best. Even whipping,
though familiar to the public mind, is limited to
the Mosaic rule of " thirty-nine stripes " ; and in
practice does not, at first, exceed fifteen, ten, and
sometimes five.^
It was a great change for Greene, from the quiet
life of Coventry. " My task," he writes, " is hard,
and fatigue great. I go to bed late, and rise early.
The number of applications you cannot conceive
1 Journals of the Prov. Cong, of 2 Rhode Island Colonial Records,
Mass, p. 461. Greene's letter has not Vol. VII. p. 340, Rules, &c.. Arts.
been preserved. 24, 25, 30, and 50,
94 LIFE OF NATH.iNAEL GREENE. [1775.
of, without being present to observe the round of
business." He had wondered, in Rhode Island, at
finding himself singled out by his acquaintances
for special attentions. And now he felt something
of the same kind of surprise at " the great re-
spect " with which he was treated by " the general
officers of the neighboring camps." " Were I," he
writes, "to estimate my value by the attention
paid to my opinion, I should have reason to think
myself some considerable personage." But he lays
it all to the account of his office. "Fatal expe-
rience," he adds, " teaches me every day, that man-
kind are apt to pay deference to station, and not to
merit. Therefore, when I find myself surrounded
by their flattering attentions, I consider them as
due to my office, and not to me." His self-reliance
had none of that presum^^tuous contempt for the
opinions of others in it, which is so common in
self-made men. " I shall study to deserve well," he
said ; " but cannot but lament the great defects I
find in myself to discharge, with honor and justice,
the important trust committed to my care." But
as, while a mere anchor-smith at Coventry, Judge
Howel had marked him out as a "very extraor-
dinary man " ; so at Cambridge, Timothy Picker-
ing, hearing his questions and remarks as president
of a courtrmartial, pronounced him " a man of true
military genius, and decidedly the first man in the
Court." ^ None were readier to acknowledge his
superiority than the officers and men under his
1 Caldwell's Life of Greene, p. 41.
1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN.\EL GREENE. 95
immediate command. "My own officers and men,"
he writes, "are generally well satisfied, — nay, I
have not heard one complaint."
It is not probable that he took part in planning
the occupation of Bunker Hill, for on the day of
the battle he was in Ehode Island. The tidings
reached him towards evening. He immediately
mounted his horse, and, riding " all night," arrived
at camp " next day morning, w^hen I found Charles-
town all burnt to ashes, and the troops engaged on
the other side of Cambridge Bay." A thousand
men were sent over from Roxbury, to work upon
the intrenchments at Prospect Hill; and among
them, a hundred from his brigade, under the com-
mand of Christopher Greene, then a major in Var-
num's reofiment. The excitement of battle was
not yet passed away. The British were " con-
stantly firing cannon-shot," both on the new posi-
tions at Prospect and Winter Hill, and the earlier
one at Roxbury, where part of Greene's force was
now stationed. It was the first time that he had
seen balls and shells flying in earnest. The " troops
were in high spirits " ; and ten days later, when
he put together the conflicting statements of the
losses on both sides, he " wished that we could sell
them another hill at the same price."
Everything now bore the aspect of an active
siege. The "enemy made several feints to de-
ceive " the Americans, but were too " narrowly
watched" to succeed. From the intrenchments
that were fast rising on the top of Prospect Hill,
96 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1775.
the British soldiers could be seen, with the naked
eye, working hard to convert the little redoubt
which they had won, at the sacrifice of so much
blood, into an impregnable fortress. Shells were
thrown into Roxbury. The English general
seemed determined to familiarize his enemy with
danger.
But there was another danger to guard against,
— the demoralization of the troops, through the
dishonesty of the agents to whom they looked for
their daily supplies. It is a thankless task to tell
the whole truth about the men of those days ; but
what are the lessons of history, if they are to be
moulded and colored by the vanity or caprice of
the historian ? The war of independence brought
great virtues into play, but it brought great vices,
too, — faithless agents, heartless speculators, some
cowards, some traitors, many selfish partisans, and
not a few lukewarm patriots. We shall find men
of each of these classes, crossing the path of the
true and faithful, all through the war, and in every
part of the country. We first meet them in the
camp before Boston.
"There is continual complaints made to me,"
writes Greene to Deputy-Governor Cooke of Rhode
Island, on the 4th of July, " about the provisions
falling short, some barrels not having much more
than one half and two thirds the quantity they
ought to contain. I wish your Honor would de-
sire the committee throughout the Colony to ex-
amine all the provisions sent to camp, for I am
1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 97
very positive they must have been greatly imposed
upon. The field officers are continually complain-
mg to me of the imposition, and requesting me to
have a stop put to it as soon as possible. Many
people in camp suspects the fidelity of the com-
mittee, to suffer such repeated impositions, and
still no check put to them. Such unfavorable
sentiments propagated abroad must do great in-
jury to their characters, and perhaps render it very
difficult for them to settle their accounts with the
Colony, and do justice to themselves and those
they are concerned with.
"A quantity of bread arrived from Providence
last week, and to-day the much greater part was
mouldy and unfit for use. (From) the first parcel
I picked out what was good, and condemned the
rest. This to-day appears all bad, upon examina-
tion, except a few single baskets. Such bread being
brought here begets jealousy among the people,
that they are going to be imposed upon ; and little
grievances are sufficient reasons to ground their
complaints and murmurs upon, especially as they
find themselves strongly supported by their friends
and relations that comes to visit the troops in their
quarters. There was a quantity of beef con-
demned last week, as being horse-meat. When it
first took rise, I thought it merely chimerical. But
Captain Jerry Olney, Captain Kitt Olney, and many
others, came and informed me, that the people had
a conceit that it was horse-flesh; that they had
gone without victuals all day, and they desired me
98 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1775.
to inquire into the matter. I, accordingly, did get
a jury of butchers to examine it, and they con-
demned it as unfit for use, a considerable part
being horse-flesh. Captain John Collins, of New-
port, happened to be at camp at the same time, and
he said he had seen abundance of horse-beef, and
he said he was confident this was of that kind.
You must, worthy sir, be sensible that the task is
difficult, and trouble great, to form people into any
regrular oi-overnment that comes out with minds
possessed with notions of liberty that is nothing
short of licentiousness. I am willing to spend,
and be spent, in so righteous a cause ; but unless I
am supported by the helping hand of government,
my endeavors will be defeated, and your expecta-
tions blasted. God knows, I am far from com-
plaining out of prejudice to any mortal; but
necessity on the one hand, and justice on the
other, calls on me to represent the matter to you,
that the evil may be put a stop to as early as pos-
sible. Many officers blames me for being so silent
upon the occasion, and thinks I don't do justice to
the Colony ; but as I am fully sensible that many
acts upon such narrow principles of policy influ-
enced by party and prejudice, I have carefully
studied to avoid their captious advice. But from
mature deliberation, I have thought it prudent
to make you acquainted with the state of the mat-
ter, that you may take such steps to remove the
complaint as the subject requires. If the troops
are comfortably subsisted, if they don't do their
1775.] LIFE OF NATH.\Js\iEL GREENE. 99
duty, tliey can be punished, with great justice :
but if they are not well fed, and properly clad,
they excuse all their misconduct from one or the
other reason."
We shall meet these complaints again, from time
to time, in other forms, but always proceeding from
the same cause, — the love of dishonest gain, and
indifference to the public interest. Meanwhile,
Congress had taken the decisive step, upon which
the success of the war depended. On the 15th of
June, Washington had been chosen commander-in-
chief On the 2d of July, about two in the after-
noon, he reached Cambridge, with an escort of
mounted citizens and a troop of light horse. It
was Sunday, but a brisk cannonade upon Roxbury
had been kept up throughout the morning from the
British lines on Boston Neck. Washington must
had heard it all tlirous-h his morninor ride.^ Next
day, he took formal command of the army. Some,
perhaps, as they saw him draw his sword under
the broad elm which still extends its protecting
branches over the western border of Cambridge
Common, remembered, that, a few years before,
they had listened to Whitefield under that same
tree. Only the troops stationed at Cambridge
would seem to have been there ; for on the 4th
Greene writes: "I sent a detachment to-day of two
hundred men, commanded by a colonel, lieutenant-
colonel, and major, with a letter of address, to wel-
come his Excellency to camp. The detachment
1 Frothingham, Siege of Boston, pp. 213, 214.
100 LITE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1775.
met with a very gracious reception, and his Excel-
lency returned me a very polite answer, and invi-
tation to visit him at his quarters."
But there was a man at Washington's side under
that tree, to whom all eyes turned eagerly, when
they had looked their fill at the majestic figure of
the Commander-in-chief, — a tall man, lank and thin,
with a huge nose, a satirical mouth, and restless
eyes, who sat his horse as if he had often ridden at
fox-hunts in England, and wore his uniform with
a cynical disregard of common opinion, — Charles
Lee, the most accomplished soldier in the whole
army, men said, and whose science, they thought,
was to be disinterestedly employed for us, because
our cause was the cause of freedom. The next
fifteen months will show how far this opinion was
just.
How Greene felt at the idea of a commander-in-
chief the letter from which I have just quoted will
show : " A few minutes after the detachment was
drawn out, I received a letter directed to his Ex-
cellency, under cover of one to me, from Mr. Ward,
Secretary, who acquaints me that the General
Assembly has appointed him to the command of
our troops ; all of which is perfectly agreeable, and
I shall conduct myself accordingly ; and hope, by
his wise directions, accompanied with my best en-
deavors, and that of all my officers, to promote the
service of the Colony, agreeable to their wishes. I
expect the General next day after to-morrow to
visit our camp."
1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN.IEL GREENE. 101
How he felt towards Washington, he tells Sam-
uel Ward, from Roxbury, ten days later, — not the
Samuel he had written long letters to from Coven-
try, for that Samuel was with him, as a captain in
Varnum's regiment, — but Samuel Ward the flither,
who had sat with Washington in Congress Hall, and
voted to send him to Cambridge, as the fittest man
for the office on whose right filling the whole con-
test turned. To him, then, Greene writes, on the
14th of July : " His Excellency, General Washing-
ton, has arrived amongst us, universally admired.
Joy was visible in every countenance, and it seemed
as if the spirit of conquest breathed through the
whole army. I hope we shall be taught to copy
his example, and to prefer the love of liberty, in
this time of public danger, to all the soft pleasures
of domestic life, and support ourselves with manly
fortitude amidst all the dangers and hardships that
attend a state of war. And I doubt not, under
the General's wise direction, we shall establish
such excellent order and strictness of discipline
as to invite victory to attend him wherever he
goes."
And how did Washington first meet him whom,
from that time forward, he was never to meet with-
out an expanding of the heart? Of their first
meeting and first intercourse I know nothing ; but
the qualities which had attracted the attention of
Pickering, when only a casual observer, could not
have been hidden long from so sagacious an ob-
server as Washington, when there were such mo-
mentous questions to call them forth.
CHAPTER II.
Washington's Arrival the Beginnins of a New Period. — His Staff. —
MifBin. — Trumbull. — Reed. — Gates. — Army of the United Col-
onies. — New Organization. — Three Grand Divisions. — Greene on
Prospect Hill. — Gradual extension of the Works. — Death of Ad-
jutant Mumford. — All Eyes fixed on Boston. — Parties to Camp. —
The Country calls for a Battle. — Want of Powder. — AVaste of
Powder. — Preparations for Defence. — Extracts from General Or-
ders.
'VX/'ITH Washington's arrival in camp a new
' ^ period begins, — a jieriod of system and or-
ganization, still very imperfect it is true, but nev-
ertheless a great advance upon the disconnected
and irregular condition in which the troops had
lived since they first broke ground before Bos-
ton. Washington's own experience with regular
troops had been confined to his short service on
Braddock's staff"; and, like most of his officers, he
had a great deal to learn. But he was fiimiliar
with the common text-books, — very incomplete
and meagre guides as yet, — had had full expe-
rience of irregular troops, and a feeble govern-
ment ; had lived in camp ; provided for the sup-
plies of his men ; and learnt how to deal with
prejudices, ignorance, obstinacy, and sloth. His
staff" was not yet what it afterwards became ; but
there were men on it whose names interest us
1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 103
still, — Mifflin, brave and eloquent, once, like
Greene, a Quaker, and who now stood high in
Washington's confidence, though at a later day he
became a bitter enemy both of Washington and
Greene ; Trumbull, in whose young mind the in-
stincts of the artist were already struggling with
the ambition of military distinction ; Reed, whose
fine culture and pleasing address made him delight-
ful as a companion, while his command of a free
and flowing style, and his facility in seizing upon
the important points of his subject, rendered his
services, as secretary, invaluable ; and Gates, the
adjutant-general, who brought with him honorable
recollections of the old French war, and a heart not
yet corrupted by flattery and unmerited success.
The first step in organization was to convert the
independent Colonial bands, which enthusiasm had
brought together, into a regular army, — the army
of the United Colonies. " I am informed by his
Excellency," writes Greene, " that the idea of Col-
ony troops is to be abolished, and that the whole
army is to be formed into brigades, and the gen-
erals to be appointed by the Congress." Great was
the commotion in camp when these tidings became
public, and men began to ask each other anxiously
who the new generals were to be. Greene viewed
these incipient jealousies with regret. " I should
be extremely sorry," he writes, " for any schisms
that might creep in through the ports of honor,
from real or imaginary degradation." For his own
part, "if continued," he was prepared to "serve
104 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1775.
cheerfully " ; if not, to " submit patiently I
wish that good and able men may be the objects of
the Continental choice, rather than subjects of par-
ticular interests." When the appointments were
announced, he found himself last on the list as
brigadier-general.
The army was divided into three grand divisions,
Greene being placed, with seven regiments, in the
left wing, under General Lee, with Sullivan, at the
head of six regiments, for senior brigadier, — in all,
five thousand six hundred and seventy-seven men.
His station was at Prospect Hill, — the Mount Pis-
gah of some of the old maps, — with " the enemy's
lines and buildings on Bunker Hill, and the desola-
tion at Charlestown," ^ full in view. Not far from
the foot of the hill was the farm-house in which
Lee had taken up his quarters, — a comfortable
two-story building, witli convenient rooms, and a
pleasant view, and all too good, even in its old age,
to be called " Hobgoblin Hall." - And within two
miles, by a pleasant road, which soon became as
familiar to him as the green lanes that lead from
Potowomut to Coventry, stood the fine old man-
sion which, although Sparks and Everett have
since lived in it, and Longfellow has consecrated
it as the birthplace of America's greatest poems,
is still known, far and near, as the head-quarters of
Washington.
1 Belknap's Diary, Oct. 23. In a chimneys and rubbish." — Force, Am.
letter of the times, Charlestown is Archives, 4th Series, Vol. III. p. 73.
said to be "now in ashes, and noth- '^ Letters of Mrs. Adams, p. 64.
jng to be seen of that fine town but
1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 105
Three of the regiments in Greene's brigade
were his own Rhode-Islanders, — ten hundred and
eighty-five men in all, — led by Yarnum, Hitch-
cock, and Church, with men of strong wills, like
Christopher Greene and the two Olneys and the
two Angells and Simeon Thayer, and of rich cul-
ture, like Samuel Ward, for majors and captains
and lieutenants. No troops in the whole army
were equipped and appointed as they were, with
their tents and marquees, and the " four excellent
field-pieces," ^ which had once formed part of the
garrison of Fort George. Greene "spared no
pains, night nor day, to teach them their duty " ;
and, fully seconded by most of his officers, — espe-
cially by Yarnum and Hitchcock, " excellent disci-
plinarians," — succeeded in bringing them to a
high state of efficiency. Lee bestowed great en-
comiums upon their bearing and discipline. " I
flatter myself," writes Greene, " that they compara-
tively deserve it." Four Massachusetts regiments,
— seventeen hundred and thirteen men, — under
Whitcomb, Gardner, Brewer, and Little, com-
pleted his brigade."
The irreojular leao;uer became a reorular sieore.
One by one the hills and strong positions were
occupied, and secured by strong works, — Pros-
pect, Winter, Ploughed, and Cobble Hills, Lech-
mere Point, Sewall's Farm, " a semicircle of eight
or nine miles," with the enemy in " the centre, ....
1 Essex Gazette, quoted by Froth- - I take my numbers from Froth-
ingham, Siege of Boston, p. 101, note, ingham, Siege of Boston, p. 219.
106 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1775.
with entire command of the water." ^ Every day
added to the streno-th of the American Hnes. Al-
most every day, too, there was a skirmish, or a sur-
prise, or a cannonade, shells and balls falling thick
within the American works, sometimes killing,
sometimes maiming, but producing, in the main,
"no other effect than to inure the Americans to
danger," "- and make them ask, if, with upwards of
two thousand shot and shells, they have killed
only twelve persons, " how many 'shot and bombs
will it require to subdue the whole of his Majesty's
rebellious subjects?"^ "I have no doubt," Greene
writes to his wife, " that I shall be safely conducted
through the shower of Tory hail. But whatever
be my fate, let my reputation stand fair for the
inspection of all inquiring friends."
Yet the first sight of a violent death, within
his own immediate circle, came upon him with a
shock. Adjutant Mumford, of East Greenwich, —
a member of Yarnum's regiment, — had his head
taken off by a cannon-ball. " My sweet angel," —
Greene writes to his wife, immediately after, —
" the anxiety that you must feel at the unhappy fate
of Mr. Mumford, the tender sympathy for the dis-
tress of his poor lady, the fears and apprehensions
for my safety, under your present debilitated state,
must be a weight too great for you to support.
We are all in the hands of the great Jehovah ; to
him let us look for protection. I trust that our con-
1 Washington to his brother. Writ- ^ Tliacher's Military Journal, Jan-
ings, Vol. III. p. 39. uary 18, 177G.
2 Heath's Memoirs, p. 43.
1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 107
troversy is a righteous one ; and although many of
our friends and relatives may suffer an untimely
fate, yet we must consider the evil sanctified by
the righteousness of the dispute. Let us, then,
put our confidence in God, and recommend our
souls to his care. Stifle your own grief, my sweet
creature, and offer a small tribute of consolation to
the afflicted widow. I could wish, from my soul,
that you was removed from this scene of horror,
altogether inconsistent with the finer feelings of a
delicate mind. I would come and see you, but
prudence forbids my absence. I sent Colonel Var-
num to communicate to you the wretched loss his
poor lady has met with. My heart melts with
pity, but dumb silence must speak my grief until I
am in a situation to give scope to the natural sen-
timent of the human heart. I hope his good sense
and knowledge of the human heart will point out
the most prudent method."
Before another year was passed, his eye had
become more familiar with violent death, and he
would hardly have thought of sending a field
officer to annomice such an event. But at first, the
true heart still pleaded earnestly against indurat-
insT custom.
Meanwhile, from far and near, all eyes were fixed
upon Boston. " The roads were lined with specta-
tors." Parties were formed to go and see the camp,
many coming from a great distance, and looking,
some with admiration, some with terror, — all with
wonder, — at the forts, "bomb proof"; at breast^
108 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1775.
works, " seventeen feet thick " ; at the trenches,
" wide and deep " ; at the " forked impediments "
for guarding the approaches to them.^ Sometimes,
in the midst of their gazing, they would see a
party of officers go by on horseback, and distin-
guishing, in the midst of them, one with a " noble
and majestic air, .... tall and well-proportioned,"
would say to each other, '• That is his Excel-
lency! that is General Washington!" not failing,
at the same time, to take note of his " blue coat,
with buff-colored facings ; the rich epaulette on
each shoulder ; the buff underdress ; elegant, small
sword, and black cockade in his hat." ^ Sometimes
this pleasure excursion had a fatal ending. Trum-
bull's sister, the wife of Colonel Huntington, re-
ceived such a shock from what she saw, that she
went mad, and soon after died.'^ But to the
greater part of those ,whom curiosity or family
attachment brought there it was a wild, pic-
turesque scene, full of strange excitement. To
their inexperienced eyes, the morning prayers, fol-
lowed by the reading of the orders of the day;
"the great distinction between officers and sol-
diers," everybody being " made to know his place,
and keep in it, or be tied up, and receive thirty or
forty lashes " ; and " the thousands at work every
day, from four to eleven," gave the army a general
air of discipline and order, and inspired a degree
of confidence which its leaders were far from shar-
1 Letter cited in Frothingham's ^ Thacher's Military Journal, Ju-
Sicj;e of Boston, p. 275. The name ly 20, 1775.
of the writer is not given. ^ Trumbiill's Autobiography, p. 22.
1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 109
ing. If, without this preparation, they had held
Bunker Hill so long against the best troops in the
British army, why can they not, with the in-
creased strength which discipline gives them, drive
the enemy from Boston ? The country grew clam-
orous for another battle.
The subject was brought up more than once in
council of war. The first council had determined
not to occupy Dorchester, nor to defend it if the
British should attempt to occupy it. But shall
they be left in undisturbed possession of Boston ?
Greene felt that "an attack upon a town, gar-
risoned with eight thousand regular troops, was
a serious object." He knew, as Washington did,
that, however veteran-like the troops might appear
to common eyes, to the soldier's eye they were still
" raw and undisciplined." Yet he thought that an
attack, with twenty thousand men, might succeed ;
" but of an army of twenty thousand men," he
writes, " it will be hard if we cannot find eight
thousand who will fight manfully. There must be
some cowards among them as well as among us."
There were anxious hours, as summer and au-
tumn wore slowly on. On the 3d of August a
council was held at head-quarters, and it was found
that, owing to a mistake in the report of the Mas-
sachusetts committee, instead of four hundred and
eighty-five quarter-casks of powder in the maga-
zine, as had been supposed, there were only thirty-
five half-barrels, or not half a pound a man. When
Washington heard the report, he was so much struck
110 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1775.
by the danger "that he did not utter a word for
half an hour; every one else was equally surprised.
Messengers were despatched to all the Southern
Colonies to call in their stores."^ The dangerous
secret was carefully kept from the army. But
Greene knew it ; and as he looked upon his silent
cannon, and listened to the frequent roar of the
enemy's cannon, or marked at night " the track of
their shells, — a long train of light on the dark
sky,"^ — he must have often asked himself, "How
can I hold this hill, if they come out now ? "
It was hard to enforce even the most salutary
rules in an army in which a large proportion of
the officers stood more in need of discipline than
their men. AVhen the danger from a deficiency
of powder was passed, a new danger arose, from
the " wanton waste " of it. " There being," say
Greene's orders for November 7, "an open and
daring violation of a general order, in firing at
geese, as they pass over the camp, General Greene
gives positive orders, that any person that fires for
the future be immediatel}' put under guard. Every
officer that stands an idle spectator, and sees such a
wanton waste of powder, and don't do his utmost
to suppress the evil, may expect to be reported."
In the orders of the 9th, the same suljject
recurs, under another form : " That all the car-
tridges delivered out this day, if the bunches are
not broke, the captains collect them in their sev-
eral companies, and deliver them out when occasion
1 Sullivan to New Hampshire Com- - Trumbull's Autobiography, pp.
mittec of Safety, August 5, 1775. 21, 22.
1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN.iEL GREENE. Ill
calls. Every person that fires his gun without posi-
tive orders, to be punished immediately by a regi-
mental court-martial; and if these orders are not
obeyed, the General will order the first transgressor
to be tied up and whipped, for an example."
An order of the next day brings to light another
infraction of discipline : " General Greene is in-
formed, that the soldiers have got into a practice
of stealing cartridges from one another, and those
that go on furlough, or are discharged, carry them
home. As this conduct is both dishonorable and
villanous, the General hopes there are but few, if
any, that are so lost to honor and honesty as to
commit so dirty a crime. If any are detected in
the fact, they may expect to be punished without
mercy."
Every alarm, too, seems to have furnished a pre-
text for wasting powder. "The officers of this
brigade," continue the orders of the 10th, "are
once more desired to pay particular attention to
the preservation of the cartridges. There has
been such a wanton waste, for some time past, and
still continues, upon every alarm, that it is really
disgraceful. It is impossible to conceive upon
what principle this strange itch for firing originates,
as it is rather a mark of cowardice than bravery
to fire away ammunition, without any inten-
tion. If the soldiers are desirous of defending their
rights and liberties, the General desires they would
not deprive themselves of the means to execute so
laudable a purpose."
112 LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. [1775.
These appeals to the patriotism of the troops
are not always successful. A large infusion of bad
elements would seem, from the frequent courts-
martial recorded in the orderly-books, to have
found its way into the patriot camp. Stealing and
drunkenness were the principal crimes ; but disobe-
dience, desertion, and even mutiny sometimes oc-
curred, and were punished by fines, imprisonment,
whipping, and, in the case of corporals and ser-
geants, by degradation to the ranks. The reports
of courts-martial fill many pages of the orderly-
books, showing very clearly that love of country
was not the only motive w^hich brought recruits
and volunteers to the camp before Boston.
Greene's duty was severe, — to bed late, and up
early, much riding, much writing, frequent councils
at head-quarters, the daily details of discipline, and
the daily duties of a siege in daily progress. In
his attempts to enforce exactness and order, he
enters into minute details. " Tlie captains," say the
orders for November 12, " every day to examine
the arms and ammunition of their companies, and
see that their arms are kept clean, the locks in
good order, and the flints well fixed ; to count the
cartridges and flints of each individual ; for every
cartridge that is lost to be charged one shilling
lawful money ; and for every flint missing, three-
pence ; a report to be made daily of the regiment
to the colonel, in what condition they find the guns
and ammunition. Any captain or subordinate that
neglects to make a daily return to his colonel or
1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN.\EL GREENE. 113
commanding officer, the colonel to report him to
the general of brigade, that he may report him to
head-quarters."
" The days being short," says an order of the 1st
of November, "and the weather coming on cold,
the General orders the artificers to begin half an
hour before sunrise, and continue at work as long
as they can well see. The officers commanding the
several parties are to see the order punctually com-
plied with. The artificers are to examine their
arms and ammunition once a week at least, and
see that their guns and cartridges are in good
order The General has great reason to be
displeased with the sergeants and corporals on the
main guard, in planting and relieving sentries.
For the future, they are to give each sentry a
proper detail of his duty as sentry, for what inten-
tion he is placed, and see that the sentry that re-
lieves gives the same detail that he received to the
relieving sentry ; and the sergeants or corporals
are not to suffer the sentries relieved to strao-o-le
home to the guard, but to keep them with the
party until the whole are relieved, and then to
march them home to the guard together."
The alarm posts and positions in case of alarm,
and the duties of the different officers, are dis-
tinctly marked out. Exact orders are given for
the careful keeping of the working tools, which are
to be " collected and numbered every evening, the
officers commanding the fatigue parties to be ac-
countable for the tools delivered them." When,
114 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1775.
a few years later, Greene became quartermaster-
general, the habit of these minute details, and the
practical knowledge acquired by them, served, on
more than one occasion, to lighten his labors.
But one of his most serious duties was the con-
stant provision for defence. " General Greene,"
say the orders of the 10th of November, "is
greatly displeased with the officers of the artillery,
that the}'^ were so ill-provided with wads to-day.
The General gives positive orders, that proper pro-
visions be made immediately, that the artillery
may be in readiness at an alarm at the first notice."
"Upon an alarm," say the orders of the 12th
November, Colonel Brewster's regiment to take
post in the citadel on the left ; Colonel Little's regi-
ment to form on parade in the long lines next to
the barracks ; Colonel Thompson's in the front of
Colonel Little's, there to wait for orders, — no offi-
cer to stir from his post, nor to suffer his people
to straggle, but to keep them silent and attentive."
November was an anxious month, and new ar-
rana:ements were needed for the long; nio'hts and
short days. " The field officer of the day to exam-
ine the sally-ports in these fortifications, and if the
chevaux-de-frise are out of repair, they are to put
them in order, and if any of the pickets are out
of place, to have them rectified ; the firing of the
morning gun to be discontinued ; the reveille to be
beat at gray daylight, at the beating of which the
troops to man the lines with as much exj^edition as
possible ; all the sentries on the lines to be posted
1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN.iEL GREENE. 115
on the parapet, and to hail every person that ap-
proaches the hnes on the outside as soon as it is
dark, and to suffer no one to come near the hnes
without giving the countersign. All the soldiers,
for the future, to repair to their quarters at nine
o'clock ; and if any are catched abroad after that
hour, and cannot give a satisfactory account of
their business, to be sent to the main guard, as
none but drunkards and thieves will be out at a
later hour, unless upon some special business."
Among the provisions for repelling an assault
are instructions for the use of spears. "Every
colonel or commanding officer of a regiment," say
the orders of the 15th, "to appoint thirty men
that are active, bold, and resolute, to use the spears
in defence of the lines, instead of guns ; to form in
the centre of the rear of the regiment, to stand
ready to push the enemy off" the breastwork, if
they should attempt to get over the parapet into
the lines. Let those be appointed that are the
worst equipped for arms, and those that have none
at all, provided the size, strength, and activity are
agreeable for the purpose of their appointment, to
be commanded by a sub and sergeant."
I dwell upon these details, for they not only
belong to the camp life of those anxious days, but
help us in tracing step by step the growth of the
general as we have already traced that of the man.
Watchfulness, energy, rapidity of comprehension,
and patience of labor were equally the character-
istics of both.
CHAPTER III.
Term of Service of the Army most out. — Congress sends a Committee
to Camp. — Greene's Impressions of Franklin. — His first Intercourse
with Southern Members of Congress. — His Efforts to do away with
Sectional Jealousies. — Lord SheiBeld. — Church's Treason. — Grad-
ual Growth of a Desire for Independence. — Extracts from Greene's
Letters to Governor AVard. — His Idea of the Duty of Congress. —
An Army of Seventy Thousand Men. — Feelings of the People.
rr^HE approach of autumn brought another anx-
-■- iety with it. The army was enhsted for only
a few months, and those months were passing
rapidly away. What will England do ? October
brought " the echo of Bunker s hill,"^ and the news
of " warlike preparations." What will Congress
do? After much ill-timed delay, Congress ap-
pointed Franklin, Lynch, and Harrison a commit-
tee to go to camp and consult with Washington
about the new army. While they were yet on
their way the general ofl&cers met in council, and,
after a careful examination of the subject, fixed
upon twenty thousand men as the number re-
quired to continue the siege. On the 15th the
committee reached head-quarters. " I had the
honor," Greene writes the next day, " to be intro-
duced to that very great man Dr. Franklin, whom
I viewed with silent admiration the whole evening.
1 Sparks's Writings of Washington, Vol. III. p. 113.
1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE.
117
Attention watched his hps, and conviction closed
his periods." And Frankhn, on his side, may have
looked with more than ordinary interest on Greene ;
for the name had long been familiar to his ear, and
Greene's wife was the niece of his " dear friend,"
Catherine Ray.^ But this was no time for forming
new friendships. The committee had hard work
to do, and when it was done, Greene and Franklin
parted never to meet again.
It was the first time, too, that Greene had been
brought into contact with members of Congress
from the South, and he took advantage of the op-
portunity to speak to them about " the groundless
jealousy of the New England Colonies," which was
said to prevail there. " I mentioned this subject," he
writes to Governor Ward, " to Mr. Lynch and Colo-
nel Harrison, who assured me there was no such
sentiment prevailing in Congress nor among the
southern inhabitants of any respectability. I am
sorry to find they were mistaken. It grieves me
that such jealousies should prevail. If they are
nourished, they will sooner or later sap the founda-
tions of the union and dissolve the connection.
God in mercy avert so dreadful an evil ! "
How deeply he felt and how justly he reasoned
upon this subject may be seen by the order of the
day for the 25th of October : " General Greene is
1 Wife of William Greene of War- Catherine Eay and Catherine Eay
wick, afterwards Governor of Ehode Greene, have been published by Mr.
Island, whose name I have already Sparks. The originals are still in
had occasion to mention. Many of the possession of her grandson, Lieu-
Franklin's letters to this lady, both as tenant-Governor William Greene.
118 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1775.
greatly displeased with a number of evil-disposed
persons that are endeavoring to beget jealousy and
discontent amongst the troops, by promoting and
propagating a spirit of reflection amongst the dif-
ferent regiments; as such a conduct has a ten-
dency to bring on great confusion and disorder in
the brigade, and to alienate the affection of one
Colony from another, and destroy that confidence
and union now happily subsisting amongst us,
the General entreats all the officers of whatsoever
rank to suppress as much as possible such a grow-
ing evil as national, colonial, regimental, or per-
sonal reflection, and requests the field officers of
the several regiments to punish every person that
is guilty of such high misdemeanor with the utmost
severity."
The same sentiments appear in a letter of Octo-
ber 16th to Governor Ward. " As the troops are
considered continental and not colonial, there must
be some systematical plan for the payment without
any reference to particular colonies ; otherwise they
will be partly continental and partly colonial. His
Excellency has a great desire to banish every idea
of local attachments. It is next to impossible to
unhinge the prejudices that people have for places
and things they have had a long connection with.
But the fewer of those local attachments discover
themselves in our plan for establishing the army
the more satisfactory it must be to the Southern
gentry. For my own part, I feel the cause and not
the place. I would as soon go to Virginia as stay
1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 119
here. I can assure the gentlemen to the south-
ward that there could not be anything more ab-
horrent proposed, than a union of those colonies
for the purpose of conquering the southern
colonies."
But if we would do full justice to Greene's sen-
timents upon this vital subject, and his early com-
prehension of the natural relations of the colonies
to each other, we must compare his words with
those of an English statesman hio-h in rank and
authority. " The interests of one Colony are no
ways incompatible with the interests of another.
.... The different climates and produce of the
colonies will ever preserve a harmony among them
by an active trade and commerce." Thus writes
Greene on the 31st of December, 1775.
And thus, in 1783, wrote the friend of Gibbon :
" It will not be an easy matter to bring the Amer-
ican states to act as a nation ; they are not to be
feared as such by us Their climate, their
staples, their manners, are different ; their interests
opposite, and that which is beneficial to one is de-
structive to the other." ^
There were still other things to be anxious about.
A little before the arrival of the committee, Greene
had been surprised by a visit from his old teacher.
Master Maxwell. Master Maxwell brought with
1 Lord Sheffield's Observations on that Laurens thought it had done
the Commerce of the American States, "much mischief." — Gibbon's Miscel-
p. 137, in which Gibbon found "plain laneous Works, Vol. L pp. 609 - 617,
sense, full information, and warm ed. 4to.
spirit," and hailed it as a good sign
120 LIFE OF NATILVNAEL GREENE. [1775.
him a letter from Henry Ward, Secretary for the
Colon}', enclosing a mysterious letter in cipher
which a -woman from Boston had tried to send on
board the ship of the notorious Wallace, the scourge
of Narragansett Bay. Greene carried the letter to
Washington. Who could the writer be, and what
were his intentions? The first step towards the
discovery of this was to discover the messenger.
Here other counsellors appear to have been called
in, and among them " Old Put," who tracked her
out, compelled her to mount behind him, and
brought her in triumph to head-quarters. Not
even Washington could keep from laughing when,
from his chamber window, he saw the sturdy ''Wolf
Hunter " dash up to the Craigie House gate, leap
from his horse, and drag his terrified prisoner up
the broad pathway to the door. But composing
his countenance, he reached the stairway landing
as the front door was thrown open, and, putting on
his sternest look, assured her that nothing but a
full confession could save her from a halter. A
shudder must have gone throuo;h all who stood
near when they heard the name of Dr. Church, —
a man trusted, respected, beloved, foremost among
patriots with voice and hand and pen. Could he
be a traitor ?
He was immediately arrested and his papers
seized. The letter was deciphered. "I attended
the General Court of this Province to-day," Greene
writes to his wife on the 27th of October, to hear
" Dr. Church's examination relative to his treason.
1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 121
With art and ingenuity surpassing whatever you
saw he veiled the villany of his conduct, and by
imphcation transformed vice into virtue. But not-
withstanding all his art and address, and his faculty
of making the worse appear the better reason, he
could not establish his innocence either satisfactory
to the public in general or the General Court in
particular." He was condemned to close confine-
ment. Mortification, mingled perhaps with the
pain of a tardy repentance, and rendered more dis-
tressing by the sudden change from an active life
to a life of solitary disoccupation, soon began to
tell upon his health ; and after several months of
rigorous imprisonment, obtaining permission to go
to the West Indies, he set out upon his voyage of
exile, and was never heard of more. But the
memory of his treason survived him to trouble
many minds, as perils thickened, with painful rec-
ollections and anxious doubts.^
In the spring "the feelings of the people had
varied with the varying news from England."^
But as summer wore away the conviction gradu-
ally gained ground that there was nothing to hope
either from the King or the Parliament, although,
as the paroles and countersigns show from time
to time, Cambden and Burke still held their j^laces
in the affections of the leaders. Even "Wilkes and
Liberty " sometimes is used.^ But as early as Oc-
tober " the plan of Independence was become a
1 For Church's letter, see Cowell's ^ Belknap, p. 87.
Spirit of 1776 in Rhode Island. ^ Orderly-book.
122 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1775.
favorite point in the army," and praying for the
king "offensive."^ How soon Greene began to
" wish heartily for Independence " it is difficult to
say with certainty ; but in a letter of October 16th
he had already hinted at it, and in another of the
23d he returns to the subject. " \Ye had as well
begin in earnest at first as at last, for we have no
alternative but to fight it out or be slaves
The alternative is separation from Great Britain
or subjugation to her." With the question of In-
dependence came the question of foreign trade :
"We should open our jDorts to all who have a
mind to come and trade with us " ; and of political
relations : " France, as a real enemy to Great Brit-
ain, acts upon a true plan of policy in refusing to
intermeddle until she is satisfied that there is no
hope of accommodation."
In January, when he had read " the king's late
gracious speech to both houses of Parliament," he
became anxious for immediate action. "Permit
me," he writes to Governor Ward, "to recommend,
from the sincerity of my heart, ready at all times to
bleed in my country's cause, a declaration of Inde-
pendence ; and call upon the world, and the great
God who governs it, to witness the necessity, pro-
priety, and rectitude thereof." The magnitude of
the contest, which he sees clearly, does not alarm
him. " My worthy friend, the interests of mankind
hang upon that truly worthy body of which you
are a member. You stand the representatives, not
1 Belknap, p. 92.
1775.1 LIFE OF NATH.1NAEL GREENE. 123
of America only, but of the whole world; the
friends of Hberty and the supporters of the rights
of human nature. It hath been said that Canada,
in the late war, was conquered in Germany. Who
knows but that Britain may be in the present con-
test. I take it for granted that France and Spain
have made overtures to the Congress. Let us em-
brace them as brothers. We do not want their
land forces in America ; their navy we do. Their
commerce will be mutually beneficial. They will
doubtless pay the expenses of their fleet, as it will
be employed in protecting their own trade. Their
military stores we want amazmgly. These will be
articles of commerce. The Elector of Hanover
has ordered his German troops to reheve the gar-
risons of Gibraltar and Port Mahon. France will,
of consequence, attack and subdue Hanover with
Httle trouble. This will bring on a very severe
war in Germany, and turn Great Britain's atten-
tion that way. This may prevent immense ex-
pense and innumerable calamities in America."
A wide range this for the thoughts of an anchor-
smith. Hear, too, how he reasons upon America's
duty in the struggle : —
" A large army must be raised in addition to the forces
upon the present establishment All the forces in
America should be under one commander, raised and
appointed by the same authority, subjected to the same
regulations, and ready to be detached wherever the occa-
sion may require It will be infinitely safer, and not
more expensive in the end, for the continent to give a
124 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1775.
large bounty to any number of troops in addition to what
may be ordered on the present establishment, that will
engage during the war, than to enlist them from year to
year without a bounty How will posterity, millions
yet unborn, bless the memory of those brave patriots who
are now hastening the consummation of freedom, truth,
and religion ! But want of decision renders wisdom in
council insignificant, as want of power has prevented us
here from destroying the mercenary troops now in Bos-
ton. Frugality, a most amiable domestic virtue, becomes
a vic^ of the most enormous kind when opposed to the
common good. The tyrant, in his last speech, has con-
vinced us that to be free or not depends upon ourselves.
Nothing, therefore, but the most vigorous exertion on our
part can shelter us from the evils intended us. How can
we, then, startle at the idea of expense, when our whole
property, our dearest connections, our liberty, nay, life it-
self, is at stake ; let us, therefore, act like men inspired
with a resolution that nothing but the powers of heaven
shall conquer us. It is no time for deliberation : the
hour is swiftly rolling on when the plains of America will
be deluged with human blood. Resolves, deliberations,
and all the parade of heroism in words, will not obtain a
victory. Arms and ammunition are as necessary as men,
and must be liad at the expense of everything short of
Britain's claims."
The question of domestic enemies, of Tories, is
daily becoming more embarrassing. He is for
prompt action and uncompromising severity. "Gov-
ernor Franklin and the Assembly go on with a high
hand. His impudence and the Congress's silence
astonish all this part of the world. To suffer such
presumption to go unpunished betrays a want of
1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 125
spirit to resent or power to punish. The dignity
of Congress ought to be held sacred, or else its au-
thority will soon be brought into contempt. His
conduct is calculated to breed a mutiny in the
state ; such budding mischiefs cannot be too early
nipped ; diseases that might have been easily rem-
edied if seasonably attended to, have often been
rendered incurable by being too long neglected. I
wish this may not be the case here Gen-
eral Lee has just returned from Rhode Island. He
has taken the Tories in hand, and sworn them by
a ver}^ solemn oath that they would not, for the
future, grant any supplies to the enemy, directly
nor indirectly, nor give them any kind of intelli-
gence, nor suffer it to be done by others, without
giving information. Joseph Wanton and Doctor
Hunter were the principals."
The want of arms had compelled Washington to
retain the weapons of those who were leaving the
army. On the 4th of January Greene writes :
" Undoubtedly the detaining of arms, being private
property, is repugnant to many principles of civil
and natural law and hath disgusted many. But
the great law of necessity must justify the expe-
dient till we can be otherwise furnished."
Nor was his opinion upon the necessity of
united action less decided. " There appears a
strange hobble in our gait. Here we are at log-
gerheads, in other places only sparring, and oth-
ers again are in perfect tranquillity. Here we
are cutting them off from fresh provisions, and re-
126 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1775.
moving the stock from the island, which amounts
to a perfect depopulation, while at New York,
Philadelphia, and many other parts of America,
their ships are supplied with everything they
stand in need of, and live in the midst of peace
and plenty. If we are to be considered as one
people, and they as the common enemy, upon
what principle are they so differently treated in
the different governments?"
Washington had been disappointed in the com-
mon people, and made no secret of his disgust.
" His Excellency is a great and good man. I feel
the highest degree of respect for him. I wish him
immortal honor. I think myself happy in an op-
portunity to serve under so good a general. My
happiness will be still greater if fortune gives me
an opportunity to contribute to his glory and my
country's good.
" But his Excellency, as you observe, has not had
time to make himself acquainted w^ith the genius
of this people. They are naturally as brave and
spirited as the peasantry of any other country ; but
you cannot expect veterans of a raw militia of only
a few months' service. The common people are
exceedingly avaricious ; the genius of the people
is commercial, from their long intercourse with
trade. The sentiment of honor, the true charac-
teristic of a soldier, has not yet got the better of
interest. His Excellency has been taught to be-
lieve the people here a superior race of mortals ;
and finding them of the same temper and disposi-
1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 127
tions, passions and prejudices, virtues and vices of
the common people of other governments, they
sink in his esteem. The country round here set
no bounds to their demands for hay, wood, and
teaming. It has given his Excellency a great deal
of uneasiness, that they should take this opportu-
nity to extort from the necessities of the army such
enormous prices."
His relations with Washington are becoming in-
timate ; and the reserved, cautious man is already
beginning to " lean his great arm upon him."
" The General has often expressed to me his un-
easiness about the expenses, they so far exceed the
expectations of Congress. He is afraid they will
sink under the weight of such charges."
He, too, has thought upon this subject. " Econ-
omy is undoubtedly essential in this dispute ; there
should be no wanton waste of public property; but
if you starve the cause you protract the dispute."
To his mind, the duty of Congress is plain. " If
the Congress wish to put the finishing stroke to
this war, they must exert their whole force at once,
and give every measure an air of decision. I pray
God we may not lose the critical moment. Human
affairs are ever like the tide, constantly on the ebb
and flow. Our preparations in all parts of the
United Colonies ought to be so great as to leave
no room to doubt our intentions to support the
cause and obtain our conditions. This will draw
in the weak and wavering, and give such a turn
to the minds of the people that small shocks shall
128 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1775.
not be seriously felt in the general plan of opera-
tions."
He was for embodying seventy thousand men at
once, stationing a body in each maritime town to
protect it against piratical incursions, and support
the spirited and confirm the weak and wavering" :
each body " to be considered as a detachment from
the grand arm}^, .... subject to the commander-in-
chief, and at his disposal and discretion To
cure the itch for going home on furlough, and save
the continent the needless expense of paying a
large body of troops that are absent from camp,"
he suggests an exchange of the Southern and
Northern troops.
It had been proposed to ^ny the troops part of
their wages and put the other part in trust for the
benefit of their families. He does not approve
of this. " The colonels are the best judges of the
prudence and good economy of their soldiers.
Those who behave well and make a prudent use
of their money want no agent ; for they will
receive monthly payments, and such part as they
can spare for the support of their families can eas-
ily be conveyed home." For the others, "a man
from each town or county" might be employed
as an agent.
He had already, as we have seen, formed the
idea of a great army, well organized, thoroughly
disciplined, properly fed, clothed, and paid, and en-
listed for the whole war ; and regarding this as the
surest way of bringing the contest to a j^rompt
1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 129
decision, endeavored, by means of his correspond-
ence with Governor Ward, to convey his idea to
Congress.
He looks anxiously, too, towards the people,
complaining, not of " the lower class, but of the
merchants and wealthy farmers," who have raised
the prices of many articles "four times the first
cost, and of many of them cent per cent." These
"are the people that wound the cause. When
people are distressed, it is natural for them to try
everything and everywhere to get relief; and to
find oppression instead of relief from these two
orders of men, will go near to driving the poorer
sort to desperation. It will be good policy in the
United Colonies to render the poorer sort of people
as easy and happy under their present circum-
stances as possible ; for they are creatures of a
day, and present gain and gratification, though
small, has more weight with them than much
greater advantages at a distance. A good poli-
tician must and will consider the temper of the
times and the prejudices of the j)eople he has to
deal with, when he takes his measures to execute
any great design."
CHAPTER IV.
Greene's Life, Habits, and Associates in Camp. — Letter to Jiis "Wife.
— Christopher Greene and Samuel Ward join the Canada Expedi-
tion. — Interest awakened by it. — Anxiety caused by the burning
of Falmouth. — By the Progress of Enlistment. — Extracts from
Letters. — Opinion on giving Bounties. — Mistake of Congress. —
Old Troops go. — New Troops come. — Arms retained. — New
Year. — The Flag. — Scanty Supplies. — Small-Pox. — Mrs. Greene
in Camp. — Siege draws to a Close. — Dorchester Heights occu-
pied. — Preparations for an Attack. — Storm. — Evacuation of
Boston.
A ND thus Greene lived, with his active mind
■^^^ constantly employed watching the progress of
events, revolving the great questions of the day,
and keenly alive to the magnitude of the contest
in ^yhich he was engaged. The principles with
which he had stored it in his quiet home at Poto-
womut and Coventry, gleaning with a bold hand
the rich fields of history and philosophy, found a
daily application, as the lessons of past history
were daily repeated in the history that was grow-
ing under his own eye. His horizon was enlarged ;
and thought, even when it did not open new chan-
nels, flowed in broader currents through the old.
The discussions of councils of war had taken the
place of solitary meditation ; and ideas which,
twelve months earlier, he might have thrown out
in their germ as an exercise letter to Samuel
1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 131
Ward, Jr., now filled elaborate pages to Samuel
Ward, Sen., as suggestions to be woven into the
framework of an empire. In his personal habits
there was little change, great as was the change in
the nature of his pursuits. He was still up with
the dawn ; he was still hours in the saddle ; he was
still busy with his pen ; he was still an attentive
listener ; he was still a patient thinker ; and he
still loved his book, — finding time, even in the
greatest pressure of business, to calm his mind by
a page of some favorite author, before he laid his
head upon his pillow. Some time he found, too, for
social relaxation, and that friendly interchange of
sentiments and opinions which he always re-
garded as one of the chief blessings of life. In
his own brigade were his early friends Varnum,
Ward, and Christopher Greene ; and to them was
soon added, as chaplain, — though not without a
protest from all the other chaplains of the army,
— the eloquent Universalist, John Murray.^ Here,
also, his early acquaintance with Knox began to
ripen into friendship, and Reed obtained a hold
upon his confidence which was never shaken.
With Lee, too, he seems to have lived upon in-
timate terms. " I have taken the liberty to show
your last letter to General Lee," he writes to Gov-
ernor Ward in January, " whose knowledge of
Europe and America, genius and learning, enable
him to give you the advice you want. He has
written you fully on the subject ; it would be mere
1 Amorj's Sullivan, Vol. I. p. 181.
132 LIFE OF NATHAN.iEL GREENE. [1775.
arrogance in me to say anything upon the sub-
ject, after he has taken up the pen." The dinners
at head-quarters had become friendly meetings.
" I am now going," he writes to his wife, in Septem-
ber, " to dine with his Excellency General "Wash-
ington, and Mr. Murray with me. I wish you
could fly to Cambridge, and partake of a friendly
repast." Only in one thing had the regularity of
his habits changed. Amidst all these occupations,
Sunday was no longer the day it had been from
his 3'outh upwards. " Mr. Murray gave us a sermon
to-day," he writes to his wife, three or four weeks
after her first visit to camp. " This is the first ser-
mon I have heard since your first arrival at Jamaica
Plains. Perhaps, you stood between me and the
Gospel ; but I fear, if the true reasons should be
inquired after, you would escape the charge."
As the evenings grow longer he writes for more
books ; and, to show that his admiration of Lee's
mind did not extend to his dress, I will add, that
in the same paragraph he asks for more shirts.
These lono; evenino;s awaken thouo-hts of home.
" It is past nine o'clock ; the room is still, and the
company all gone. My attention is turned to-
wards you. Permit me to address you, my dear,
with some sentiments of warm affection. My soul
breathes a secret prayer for your happiness, amidst
these times of general calamity. How fondly
should I press you to my bosom, were you with
me. Cruel separation ! But I console myself that
you are haj^pily provided for, and I in the way of
1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 133
my duty, offering my small services, united with
others who are endeavoring to preserve an op-
pressed people from cruel slavery, — the worst of
miseries. May God speed our efforts, and crown
us with success." He pictures her to himself,
" amidst a little circle of friends, .... with anx-
ious bosoms, petitioning the throne of Grace
Surely, Providence will hear the prayers of the
innocent. It w411 come up before him like a sweet-
smelling savor, like frankincense from the altar of
Innocence. 0 America ! what a black cloud hang;s
over this once happy land, but now miserable and
afflicted people."
In September he lost the society of two of his
friends, — Christopher Greene and Samuel Ward,
— both of whom had volunteered for the " Canada
expedition, a long and tedious voyage," he writes
his wife on the 10th. "I am sorry that so good
an officer is going from the hill ; his regiment will
feel a severe loss. Captain Ward is also embarked
with him in the same expedition. I did every-
thing in my power to dissuade him from the un-
dertaking ; but the heart and zeal of youth, ambi-
tious of distinguishing himself, overcame the cool
reasons that I could offer." Perhaps, underlying
those " cool reasons," Ward, who knew him so well,
had detected the latent feeling which made him
add, as he told the story to his wife, " it will be a
very pretty tour."
Henceforth the news from Canada became a regu-
lar topic in his letters. " I had the pleasure to hear
134 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1775.
from your son Samuel the 2Gth of September," he
writes to Governor Ward on the IGth of October.
"He was at Fort Weston, just going to set off on
their journey. All in health and good spirits
By several letters from Quebec, things wear a
jDroniising appearance there. If the expedition
succeeds, and we get possession of Canada, we shall
effectually shut the back door against them. And
I make no doubt of keeping them from entering at
the front." In December it was "reported that
Quebec was taken. General Montgomery and
Colonel Arnold will acquire immortal honor. 0
that we had plenty of powder ! I should then
hope to see something done here for the honor of
America." And two days later he writes to his
brother Jacob : " Letters were received this day
from General Montgomery, near Quebec. He says
he expects to be master of the place in a very lit-
tle time. He has powder and all kind of military
stores to facilitate the reduction. He and his
troops are in good health, and he speaks very
highly of Colonel Arnold and his party. Many
officers and a large number of privates belong to
our government."
Towards the end of October another event oc-
curred to call his attention to other parts of the
country. News came in the night of the 23d that
Falmouth had been burned, and that, by orders
from England, " all the seaport towns on the con-
tinent that would not lay down and deliver up
their arms, and give hostages for their future good
1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 135
behavior," were to be burnt also. "The city of
New York," it was said, " was already in ashes."
This was startling news for a Rhode-Islander,
whose whole State was a seaport town. He imme-
mediately sent off an express to Governor Cook, a
firm, active, intelligent man, heartily devoted to
the cause, who had succeeded the half Tory Wan-
ton as Governor. " By these accounts we may
learn what we have to expect. I think Newport
should be fortified in the best manner it can be.
Doubtless the enemy will make an attempt to get
the stock of the island. Provision should be made
to defeat them. Death and desolation seein to
mark their footsteps. Fight or be slaves, is the
American motto. The first is by far the most
eligible."
But now the absorbing subject was the new
armv. Whence was it to come ? How was it to
be raised? Must all these men whom we have
been trying so hard to teach leave us just as they
are besrinnino; to become soldiers ?
In November he writes that " the troops enlist
very slowly in general." And on the 10th of De-
cember : " I was in hopes that ours would not have
deserted the cause of their country. But they
seem to be so sick of this way of life, and so home-
sick, that I fear the greater part and the best of
the troops from our Colony will go home. The
Connecticut troops are going home in shoals this
day. Five thousand of the militia, three from this
Province and two from New Hampshire, are called
■A
136 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1775.
in to take their place. There is a great defection
among their troops, but from the spirit and resolu-
tion of the people of that Province, I make no
doubt they will furnish their proportion without
delay. New Hampshire behaves nobly ; their
troops engage cheerfully. The regiment raised in
the Colony of Rhode Island has hurt our recruit-
ing amazingly. They are fond of serving in the
army at home, and each feels a desire to protect
his own family."
" I harangued the troops yesterday, and hope it
had some effect. They appear of a better disposi-
tion to-day. Some have enlisted and others dis-
cover a compl3'ing temper. I leave nothing un-
done or unsaid that will promote the recruiting
service. But I fear the Colony of Rhode Island is
upon the decline. There have been, and now are,
some unhappy disputes subsisting between the
town and country interest, and some wretches, for
the sake of a present popularity, are endeavoring
to widen the breach, — to build up their own con-
sequence to the prejudice and ruin of the public
interest. God grant that they may meet with the
disgrace they deserve !
" This Province begins to exert itself The Gen-
eral Court has undertaken to provide for the army
wood, etc. Their troops begin now to enlist very
fast. They are zealous in the country to engage
in the service.
" I sent home some recruiting officers, but they
got scarcely a man, and report there are none to
1775.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 137
be had there. No public spirit prevails. I wish
you and your colleague were at home a few days
to spirit up the people. Newport, I believe, from
the best intelligence I can get, is determined to
observe a strict neutrality this winter, and in the
spring join the strongest party. I feel for the
honor of the Colony, which I think in a fair way,
from the conduct of the people at home and the
troops abroad, to receive a wound. It mortifies
me to death that our Colony and troops should be
a whit behind the neighboring governments in pri-
vate virtue or public spirit.
Eight days pass, and he writes more cheerfully.
" The army is filling up slowly. I think the pros-
pect is better than it has been. Recruits come in
out of the country plentifully, and the soldiers in
the army begin to show a better disposition and to
recruit cheerfully."
The question of bounties comes up. " You en-
treat the general officers," he writes to Governor
Ward, " to recommend to Congress the giving of a
bounty. But His Excellency General Washington
has often assured us that the Congress would not
give a bounty, and before they would give a bounty
they would give up the dispute. The cement be-
tween the Northern and Southern Colonies is not
very strong if forty thousand lawful will induce the
Congress to give us up.^ .... Do you think we
1 In March, 1776, Reed writes get a bounty for the New England
to Washington from Philadelphia : troops, but without effect. The Con-
" Many attempts have been made to gress are resolved that you shall aban-
138 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1775.
should hesitate a moment to recommend a bomity
if we felt ourselves at liberty to do so? We
should then have an opportunity of picking the
best men, filling the army soon, keeping up a
proper discipline, and preserving good order and
government in camp ; Avhile we are obliged to re-
lax the very sinews of military government and
give a latitude of indulgence to the soldiery in-
compatible with the security of either camp or
country There is nothing that will encourage
our enemies, both external and internal, like the
difficulties we meet in raising an army. If we had
given a good bounty and raised the troops speed-
ily, it would have struck the ministry with aston-
ishment to see that four colonies could raise such
an army in so short a time. They could not ex-
f)ect to conquer a people so united, firm, and reso-
lutely determined to defend their rights and pri^^-
leges. But from the difficulties we meet with, the
confusion and disorder we are in, the large num-
ber of soldiers who are sroino- home, our enemies
will draw a conclusion that we are like a rope of
sand, and that we shall soon break to pieces. God
grant it may not be the case ! "
He thinks that Cono-ress was mistaken also in
"sending strangers at so critical a period, .... to
establish the plan for the constitution of the new
army History does not afford so dangerous a
don the lines an<l j,'ive up their coun- enlisted here." — Sparks's Corre-
try to be ravaj^ed if they will not spondence of the Revolution, Vol.
defend it on the same terms as those I. pp. 104, 105.
1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 139
measure as that of disbanding an old army and
forming a new one within point-blank shot of the
enemy. The task was rendered very difficult by
the reduction of eleven regiments and the dis-
charsre of such a number of officers who have
done everything to obstruct and retard the filling
the new army in hopes to ruin the establishment
and bring themselves into place again."
The 31st of December was the " last day of the
old enlisted soldiers' service. "Nothing but con-
fusion and disorder reign. We are obliged to re-
tain their guns, whether private or public property.
They are prized and the owners paid ; but as guns
last spring ran very high, the committee that
values them sets them much lower than the price
they were purchased at. This is looked upon to
be both tyrannical and unjust. I am very sorry
that necessity forces his Excellency to adopt any
measures disagreeable to the people. But the
army cannot be provided for in any other way."
Thus discontented and disgusted, many of the
old soldiers went home. But people at home
looked upon the matter in another light. " The
Connecticut troops went off* in spite of all that
could be done to prevent it. But they met with
such an unfavorable reception at home that many
are returning to camp already. The people on the
road expressed so much abhorrence at their quit-
ting the army, that it was with difficulty they got
provisions. I wish all the troops now going home
may meet with the same contempt."
140 LIFE OF NATH-VNAEL GREENE. [1775.
He looks anxiously to the morrow. " We never
have been so weak as we shall be to morrow when
we dismiss our old troops." And in anticipation
of this, he had taken advantage of the last days of
their service to strengthen " the hill, in order that,
if the soldiery should not engage as cheerfully as
we expected, I might be able to defend it with a
less number."
The new year opens. A communication comes
from the enemy, with the king's speech, denoun-
cing war and confiscation and death. And shortly
after a new flag rises on " Mount Pisgah," the red
field crossed with thirteen stripes, and above it a
union. Thirteen guns salute it as it unfurls to the
breeze, and thirteen rounds of cheers from the
troops of the " citadel." ^
The British look out from Boston and hail it as
the signal of submission, in which they are soon to
be sharply undeceived. The coming and going,
the tumult and confusion, the deep anxiety of
those who knew their danger and kept silent, the
long, fixed gazing at Bunker Hill and the Roxbury
lines, the straining of eye and ear through the long
winter night for some sign of the enemy's coming,
— for surely he must know their weakness and be
prepared to profit by it, — made the next three
days pass very slowly. But on the 4th Greene
draws a long breath : " I this day manned the lines
upon this hill, and felt a degree of pleasure that
I have not felt for several days. Our situation has
1 Frothingham, p. 283.
1775.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 141
been critical. We have no part of the mihtia here,
and the night after the old troops went away I
could not have mustered seven hundred men, not-
withstanding the returns of the newly enlisted
troops amounted to nineteen hundred and upward."
He adds, — and you can fancy him as he writes it
pausing a moment to look out upon Bunker Hill
and Boston, where the general who had permitted
this golden opportunity to escape him was wast-
ing his strength in useless cannonades, — "I am
now strong enough to defend myself against all
the force in Boston."
Meanwhile the army had been in great straits
for supplies. They had begun to suffer from cold
as early as September. " Excuse the badness of the
writing; it is so cold I cannot feel the pen," he
writes to Sullivan on the 23d. " We have suffered
prodigiously," he writes in December, " for want of
wood. Many regiments have been obliged to eat
their provisions raw for want of fuel to cook it. and
notwithstanding we have burnt up all the fences
and cut down all the trees for a mile round the
camp, our sufferings have been inconceivable. The
barracks have been greatly delayed for want of
stuff. Many of the troops are yet in tents, and will
be for some time, especially the officers. The fa-
tigues of the campaign, the suffering for want of
wood and clothing, have made a multitude of sol-
diers heartily sick of service."
An alarm of small-pox, too, came to increase
their apprehensions. It was known to be in Bos-
142 LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. L1775.
ton, and it was said the enemy were trying to in-
troduce it by emissaries into the American camp.^
A strict system of fumigation was estabhshed, and
everybody coming from Boston was compelled to
submit to it before he was allowed to enter the
lines.^ Greene remembered his first visit to New
York, and how he had had himself inoculated at
a time when most men still shrunk from inocula-
tion as impious, or condemned it as ineffectual.
And now, faithful to his early convictions, he urged
the adoption of immediate measures for inoculat-
ing the army, and gave up, it has been said, his
house at Coventry for a hospital for the officers.^
It was a happy day for him when his wife joined
him in camp. Mrs. Washington came to head-
quarters about the same time. Other officers were
joined by their wives, and that pleasant custom
began, which was continued throughout the war,
of giving to winter quarters as much as possible
the air of home. His official relations with Wash-
ino-ton o-rew more and more intimate as circum-
stances revealed the harmony of their opinions.
Sometimes Washington, who really loved a jest,
would sljdy remind him of his Quaker origin. " Go
to General Greene ; he is a Quaker, and knows
more about it than I do," was his answer to Moses
1 Washington to President of Con- ^ I have added an expression of
gress. — Sparks, Vol. III. p. 188. doubt to this statement, having no
2 The late venerable President authority for it but Johnson, wlioin,
Quincy told me that this funiiga- ^vith all his opportunities for oral as
tion was almost his earliest boyish well as written information, I find it
recollection. necessary to use with care.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 143
Brown, who had been sent to Cambridge upon
some business in which the Quakers were particu-
larly interested.^ His social relations, too, were
upon the pleasantest footing. His wife was fond
of society and well fitted to shine in it, notwith-
standing the comparative seclusion of her early
years. And an intimacy sprang up between her
and Mrs. Washingcton which, like that between
their husbands, ripened into friendship, and con-
tinued unimpaired through life. His first child,
still in the cradle, was named George Washington,
and the second, who was born the ensuing year,
Martha Washington.
And now this lono; sieo;e beoran to draw to a
close. In January, Knox had reached camp with
a fine train of artillery, which, by a rare display of
energy and judgment, he had succeeded in bring-
ing from Ticonderoga. All winter long the Amer-
icans had been counting upon the ice for " a pas-
sage into Boston." Early in February the weather
set in cold and sharjD. Preparations were made
for an attack. Greene was sick with jaundice. " I
am as yellow as saffron," he writes to his brother
Jacob on the 8th, " my appetite all gone and my
flesh too. I am so weak that I can scarcely walk
across the room. But I am in hopes I am getting
something better. I am grievously mortified at
my confinement, as this is a critical, and will be to
appearance an important, period of the American
war. Cambridge bay is frozen over ; if the weather
1 Mr. Brown told me this himself, a few years before his death.
144 LIFE OF NATn.\NAEL GREENE. [1775.
continues a few days longer as cold as it has been
a few days past, it will open a passage into Boston.
Sick or well I intend to be there, if I am able to
sit on horseback." Like Washington, he believed
that an attack might succeed. But the weather
changed before the attempt could be made.
All the heights round Boston had been occu-
pied except Dorchester. To seize this w^as like
forcing the enemy to fight, for it commanded the
bay and shipping ; and this Washington was now
about to do. Preparations were made rapidly and
secretly. By the opening of March all was ready.
To draw off the enemy's attention from the point
of dauQ-er, the Americans beo^an to fire from Cob-
ble Hill, Lech mere Point, and Lamb's Dam. The
British returned the fire. On the 2d of March
"there was an almost incessant roar of cannon
and mortars all niii-ht lono:."^ A thirteen-inch shell
reached Prospect Hill and burst there, though
w^ith little damage.^ A ball from the American
ranks struck Brattle Street Church, in the wall of
which it still remains imbedded. On the nifjht
n
of the 4th the cannonade was renewed, forming
an almost unbroken line of fire. For miles round
the " houses were shaken," and " windows rattled
with the roar," hundreds of anxious hearts " beat-
ing pace " ^ with the cannon all through the weary
night. When day came, people gathered on Penn's
Hill "to hear the amazins: roar of cannon" and
o
1 Heath, p. 39. » Mrs. Adams's Letters, pp. 68, 69.
2 Ibid.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 145
watch the flight of shells, seeing distinctly " every
shell thcat was thrown." " Oh ! " said they, " how
many of our dear countrymen must fall." ^
What does all this mean, thought the English, as
they looked out from their strong works, — their
Bunker Hill, which Montresor had made impregna-
ble, and the battery at Fox Hill, and the old and
new lines that cut off the approach by Roxbury.
Do the rebels hope to burn the town, and shell us
out ? But when the morrow came, — the anniver-
sary of that 5th of March on which British troops
had first fired upon their New England brothers,
— through the gray haze of morning they saw Dor-
chester heights covered with redoubts. " The reb-
els have done more in a night than my whole army
could have done in a month," exclaimed Howe ;
and knowing well that, if they were allowed to
hold their ground, his fleet would be driven from
the harbor, he made immediate preparations for an
attack. Washington, on his side, anticipating one,
prepared to meet it, by sending Putnam, with four
thousand men, in two divisions, to attack the city
on the water side. Greene, with the second di-
vision, was to " land at Barton's Point, or rather to
the south of it," secure Copp's Hill, and then
joining the first division, under Sullivan, help him
force the works at the Neck, and let in the troops
from Roxbury.^ Both divisions were drawn up
near Fort No. 2, half a mile in front of the Cam-
bridge lines, and about three quarters of a mile
1 Mrs. Adams's Letters, ut sup. 2 Force, Archives, Vol.V. p. 110.
10
1-lG LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREEIS'E. [1776.
from Putnam's quarters, in the large house, still
standing, near the the main street of Cam-
bridgeport. He was there, the rough old wolf-
hunter, whom men believed in, though they had
not yet seen him fully tried ; SulHvan, too, " not
very suddenly moved, but when once roused, not
very easily lulled " ; ^ and Greene, with thought-
ful brow and glowing eye. Right before them lay
the Charles, not now winding in silence through
the meadows,^ but all astir with the din of prepa-
ration and covered with boats, three huge floating
batteries among them, and flatboats that would
hold forty men each. And beyond the broad tract
of lowland, and broader tract of bay on their left,
they could almost see the martyr city, — the
bristling cannon, the redoubts, the strong lines,
Mount Horam, where the grenadiers lay in wait
for them, and Beacon Hill, rising serenely in the
background. They knew that hundreds of eyes
were looking out anxiously from housetop and
steeple, and every point which could give a glimpse
of the bay. It was under the gaze of all these eyes
that they were to row right up to those black em-
brasures. The slow hours passed heavily. Noon,
and no signal yet from Roxbury steeple ; no pen-
dant on Prospect Hill. Messengers come and go.
Some of them must have brought word from Dor-
1 Mrs. Adams Letters to J. Adams, " Ri^er that in silence windert,
p g5_ Through the raradows, hritrht and free,
•2 rri. .J .11 n T r 1 Till at length thy rest thou findest,
^ The reader will recall Lonjrfel- " ' , ,. ^
"^ In the bosom of the gea."
low s beautiful lines to this beautiful
stream : —
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 147
Chester, that the British troops were preparing to
enter their boats, and the ships were all in line to
cover the landing, and take part in the assault.
Some, too, may have told how Washington had
ridden in among the men, and bidden them re-
member that this day was the anniversary of the
massacre.
One of the clock. The church-bells are all
gone, or you would have heard their clear voices
ring it out ; but the heart hears them, and bounds
at the remembrance of their profanation. And
thus day passes, and night closes in dark and omi-
nous upon unfulfilled expectations. And as the
night, too, wears on, the wind rises fast, irresisti-
ble. Even the Charles feels it, and is agitated
between its narrow banks. But down in the bay
it is lashing the waters into waves and curling
crests of foam. God has put forth his own hand ;
there is nothing left for man to do but to watch
with awe the manifestation of Omnipotence;^ no
more roaring of cannon and hurtling of shells
through the air, but the howling of the wind, and
the impetuous dash of rain. The propitious tem-
pest continued all next day.
On the following night a Captain Erving suc-
ceeded in making "his escape out of Boston," and
brought word "that the British were preparing
to leave the town." ^ But what will become of it
1 " That this most remarkable in- Washington to his brother. Sparks,
terposition of Providence is for some Vol. III. p. 341.
wise purpose I have no doubt." — ^ Heath, p. 41.
148 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1776.
meanwhile, in the hands of disappointed and im-
bittered men ? There were still anxious da3\s and
nights, especially among those who ^ did not know,
as Washington and his generals knew, that their
w^ork was nearly done. On the 13th a council was
held at General Ward's quarters at Roxbury, —
Washington, Ward, Putnam, Thomas, Sullivan,
Heath, Greene, Gates being present. They decided
that, if the town were not evacuated the next day,
they would fortify Nook's Hill. The British still
lingered ; and, wearied with their loitering, Wash-
ington brought things to an immediate decision by
fortifvino; Nook's Hill. Howe had no choice but to
flee, or drive the Americans from their stronghold,
or see his ships sunk at their moorings. On the
19th, soon after sunrise, boats filled with sol-
diers and citizens were seen putting off from the
wharves, and when the sun set the city was once
more in the hands of its own people.
1 Mrs. Adams writes on the 7th : it is wise and just ; but from all the
" I feel disappointed. This day our muster and stir, I hoped and expected
militia are all returning without ef- more important and decisive results."
fecting anything more than taking — Mrs. Adams's Letters, p. 69.
possession of Dorchester hill. I hope
CHAPTER Y.
Perplexing Conduct of the Enemy. — Fortifications of Boston. —
Greene in Command of the City. — Letter to Colonel Nightingale. —
Thursday Lecture. — Marching Orders. — Alarm in Rhode Island.
— March to New York. — Preparations for Defending the City. —
Greene appointed to command Fourth Brigade. — Command on
Long Island. — Fortifications. — Alarm Signals. — Tories. — John
Jay. — Gouverneur Morris. — Reconnoitring with Knox. — Forts
Washington and Independence. — Brigade and Regimental Reports.
TT was not without some doubts of the enemy's
-*- intentions that Washington saw their fleet still
linger in the lower bay. They had begun the
war, it was true, by a capital error, allowing them-
selves to be cooped up in a place of little stra-
tegic importance,, when by occuj)ying New York
and seizing the passes of the Hudson, they might,
almost without firing a gun, have cut oif the com-
munication between the Eastern and Middle States,
and secured their own communication with Canada.
There was but little doubt that this was now their
object, and Heath had already been sent on with
his brigade the day after the evacuation. But
might not the British general, before he struck
this blow, attempt with his concentrated forces a
parting blow at the Americans in their new jDOsi-
tion?-^ Therefore Washington continued to watch
1 Washington's Orders, MSS., order of the day for March 24.
150 LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. [1776.
Howe's movements, holding his own troops well in
hand and preparing himself for either contingency.
The command of the city was given to Greene.^
" General Greene," say the orders of the day for
the 24th, " will dispose of the regiments in Boston
to the best advantage." And next da}'' " the
wagon-master and companies of carpenters in Bos-
ton are to receive and obey all such orders and
directions as Brigadier-General Greene shall think
proper to give."^ And thus the time passed fe-
verishly on till the 27th, when the fleet made sail
and stood out to sea.
Two years before, the British troops had given
Greene important lessons in minor tactics by their
daily exercises on the Common, and now they left
a still more important lesson behind them in their
works in the city and on Bunker Hill.^ It is easy
to conceive the interest w'ith which he viewed
them. Fortification was the only chapter in the
art of war which he had thus far studied practi-
cally ; and here was an illustration of it far surpass-
ing anything he had ever seen. But of his feel-
ings at the triumph in which he had borne so hon-
orable a part no record has been preserved. Our
last glimpse of him was on the 5th of March, wait-
ing on the banks of the Charles for the signal to
embark. Our next is on the 24th, at his quarters
in the redeemed city, writing to Colonel Joseph
1 See Wilkinson, Mem., pp. 1-33. enemy left all their works standing
2 Order-book, MSS. in Boston and on Bnnker Hill, and
* Washiiif^ton gives his impres- formidable ihcy are." — Sparks, Vol.
sions in a letter to his brother: "The III. p. 343.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 151
Nightingale of Providence. " Rhode Island has as
good troops as are on the continent; there are
many excellent under officers ; for God's sake don't
let the whole be defeated and dishonored for want
of a commander. You have it in your power now
to distinguish yourself, to your own honor and to
your country's glory. Let not your private in-
terest defeat the public expectation. The eyes of
the people are upon you. Make a noble sacrifice
of your private interest to the public good ; and
give the world a convincing proof that you are
more social than selfish, and that the happiness of
your country is a greater object with you than the
increase of wealth."
On the 28th, too, he must have been with
" Washington and the other general officers and
their suites," when they marched in procession
from the council-chamber " to the old brick meet-
ing-house, .... preceded by the sheriff" with
his wand, and attended by the members of the
council who had had the small-pox, the committee
of the House of Representatives, the selectmen,
the clergy, and many other gentlemen," to attend
the reopening of the Thursday Lecture, which the
Bostonians of that day regarded as a sacred bond
connecting them with their remotest ancestors ; for,
except during the last three months of the English
occupation, it had never been interrupted since the
foundation of their city. And now " an excellent
and well-adapted discourse was delivered from
Isaiah xxxiii. : ^Look upon Zion, the city of our
152 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1776.
solemnities ; thine eyes shall see Jerusalem a quiet
habitation, a tabernacle that shall not be taken
down ; not one of the stakes thereof shall ever be
removed, neither shall any of the cords thereof be
broken.' " And when the sermon was over the
procession formed again in the same order and
marched back to the council-chamber, and from
the council-chamber to " the Bunch of Grapes
tavern, where an elegant dinner was provided at
the public expense, after which many proper and
pertinent toasts were drank." " Joy and grati-
tude," says the contemporary record, " sat in every
countenance and smiled in every eye." ^
On the next day marching orders were issued for
Monday, April 1st, at sunrise. " Yarnum's, Hitch-
cock's, Little's, Reed's, and Bailey's regiments," say
the orders of the 29th of March, " to march on Mon-
day morning at sunrise. Brigadier-General Greene
will take the command of this brigade. Deputy
Quartermaster-General Park will provide the neces-
sary teams, and the Commissary-General will deliver
the provisions for the march. The Adjutant-Gen-
eral will give the marching orders to the colonel
commanding: the divisions. The field officer of
regiments and captains of companies will be an-
swerable for any damage done to the barracks
upon their men's moving out ; therefore it behooves
them to see that no wanton destruction is commit-
ted, as they will be charged with a sum sufficient to
1 PennsjlvaniaEveninp Post, April of the Rcvolation, Vol. I. pp. 226,
9, 1776, quoted in Moore's Diary 227.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 153
pay for repairing the mischief done." A detachment
from Knox's artillery was added to complete the
brigade ; and, to guard against the inconveniences
which Heath's men had suflfered on the road,^ each
colonel was to receive " a warrant for five hundred
pounds, lawful money, upon application at head-
quarters." ^ The route lay through Providence to
New London, where transports were to meet the
troops and convey them to New York.
But before they were well on their way came
an express from Governor Cooke, saying that
" a ship of war had arrived in the harbor of New-
port, and that twenty-seven ships, undoubtedly
having the ministerial troops on board, were within
Seconnet Point." Greene was ordered to hasten
his march, and a messenger despatched to Sullivan,
who with six regiments was on the road to Nor-
wich, to direct him to file off towards Providence.^
It might be but a feint. " The enemy have the
best knack of puzzling people I ever met with in
my life," Washington had written Reed* while
watchino; the fleet in Boston Bav, and this mio-ht
be a stroke of the same game. But a sharp blow
dealt at Rhode Island would be felt everywhere,
and counteract, in part, the injurious effects of the
evacuation of Boston. So Greene pushed on, little
doubting that the tide of war was turning towards
1 Heath's letter to President of ^ Force's Archives, tit sup.
Congress. Force's Archives, Vol. V. * Sparks's Washington, Vol. III.
p. 775. p. 330.
'■^ Order of the day for March
30. Force's Archives, Vol. V. p. 757.
154 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE.
[1776.
his own home, and that he might soon have to fight
under the eye of his own people.
But the whole country was in a state of fever-
ish alarm, drending an attack at almost every
vulnerable point of its long coast; and while all
were in this frame of mind, three soldiers looking
seaward from a hill below Newport had mis-
taken the undulations of the fog for the sails of the
hostile fleet. A messenger had been immediately
despatched to the Governor at Providence, and the
Governor, a man of decision, had sent the urgent
tidings to Washington at Boston. But being also
a man of forecast, he had sent at the same time a
trusty messenger to Newport to verify the report.
Much writing and much riding it may seem to us,
wdth our telegraphs and steamboats and railroads ;
but it took a night and a day to spread the alann,
and another night and day to contradict it.^ And
then, while the militia-men laid by their knap-
sacks and guns, and the farmers w^ent back to their
fields, and the merchants drew long breaths, Greene
was free to hold on his way towards New London,
scarcely turning aside for a glance at Coventry and
Potowomut as he passed along the familiar roads.
But the roads were heavy with the spring thaw,
and the people not always ready to help with their
teams when the baggage-horses gave out. It was
his first march with troops, and easy as it would
have seemed two or three years later, it must have
seemed hard to him then. At New London he met
1 Bartlett, Rhode Island Colonial Records, Vol. VII. p. 506.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHAN.iEL GREENE. 155
his old acquaintance, Commodore HojDkins, in the
full flush of his expedition to New Providence, and
his fight with the Glasgow. Here, too, he found
the transports that were to convey him and his
brigade to New York. Before he was ready to sail,
Washington passed through on his way thither by
the shore road. The night he sailed a snow-storm
came on, dispersing his little fleet, and not without
danger of shipwreck.^
On the 17th,^ when he reached New York, he
found Washington earnestly engaged in his prep-
arations for defence ; completing the works that
had already been laid out, and preparing new
ones. The King's ships, " instead of lying within
pistol-shot of the wharves, and their sentries con-
versing with ours, while they received every
necessary that the country aflbrded,"^ were driven
down to the Hook, and their intercourse with the
inhabitants cut off! It "was hard times for quiet
people." * New York was no more "the gay, polite
place it used to be esteemed, but it was become
almost a desert, unless for the troops."^ Disaffected
citizens, whose number was large, thought it an
odious restraint upon their freedom, that they were
required to be within doors by a stated hour, or
provide themselves with a pass.®
On the 24th, the regiments were brigaded anew,
1 Force's Archives, Vol. V. p. 943. * Moore's Diary of the Revolution,
Sparks's Washington,Vol. III. p. 314. Vol. I. p. 230.
2 Heath, p. 4.5. 6 Force's Archives, Vol. V. p. 1 167.
2 Sparks's Washington, Vol. III. Letter from Rev. John CarroU.
p. 376. 6 Force's Archives.
156 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1776.
and Greene put in command of the Fourth Brig-
ade, consisting of his old Rhode-Islanders, under
Varnum and Hitchcock, and the regiments under
Wayne, Little, and Irvine. This was the begin-
ning of his intercourse with Wayne, whom we by
and by find numbered among his friends, and
whom we shall meet again by his side in Carolina,
and by his death-bed in Georgia. But before this
arrangement had been fully carried out, news from
Canada — that department which gave Washing-
ton " more trouble and concern than his own," ^ —
made it necessary to send another reinforcement
to the Northern army. Sullivan was appointed to
command it, and Wayne's and Irvine's regiments
placed under his orders. Greene's brigade, now
counted as the Third, and with Hand's regiment,
which took the place of Wayne's and Irvine's, num-
bered thirteen hundred and seven men in all fit for
duty, although they counted as seventeen hundred
and sixty-one on the rolls. With this force he
was ordered " to encamp, to-morrow morning at
ten o'clock, on the ground marked out upon
Long Island."^
A broader field now opened before him, with a
wider range of duties and a greater weight of re-
sponsibility. Although the enemy had not yet
made his appearance, there could be little doubt
that the line of the Hudson was his object,
and that part of the first blow, if not the whole
1 Reed to Robert Morris. Life, &c. ^ Order of the day for April 30.
of rrcsideut llted, Vol. I. p. 200. Force's Archives, Vol. V. p. 1132.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 157
weight of it, would ftill upon Long Island. To pre-
pare for this was his first duty, — a duty so similar
to that of the last campaign, that, as he made his
daily rounds among the works, and daily revolved in
his mind his means of defence, and the possibility
of strengthening them, it must have seemed to him
as if he had been merely applying the lessons of
that campaign to a new field.
Of the many wants of our army, there was none
greater or more deeply felt than the want of scien-
tific engineers. Gridley, whom Washington had
been taught to look upon as " one of the first
engineers of the age," ^ had proved sadly wanting
in energy, and was still slowly carrying out the
new plans for the defence of Boston.^ Rufus Put-
nam had given proof of talent and energy, but
was deficient in scientific training. The works at
Cambridge had been " planned by a few of the
principal officers of the army, assisted by Mr.
Knox, a gentleman from Worcester."^ "I have
but one," writes Washington, in June, " on whose
judgment I should wish to rely in laying out
works of the least consequence." * Greene's taste
for mathematics was too much akin to these studies
not to give them a scientific as well as a practical
interest in his eyes. But the first idea of the
works at Brooklyn was suggested by Lee,^ and it
is impossible to determine with certainty how far
1 Sparks's Washington. * Ut sup., p. 427.
^ Ibid. 6 Sparks's Correspondence of the
2 Sparks's Washington, Vol. III. Revolution, Vol. L p. 158.
p. 138.
158 LIFE OF NATHAN.\J:L GREENE. [1776.
his plans were changed, or how fully they were
carried out by his successors. Still, very little had
been accomplished when Greene took the com-
mand, and all that was done after the 1st of May
belongs to him. " The rebel works were judiciously
planned, but ill executed," said Captain Montresor,
one of the most skilful of the British engineers, in
his examination before a Parliamentary commit-
tee.^ However this may be, they saved the Ameri-
can army.
Brooklyn at that time, or Brookland as General
Greene often calls it, might be regarded as a nar-
row peninsula, separated from the main body of
Long Island by Wallabout Bay, a broad indenture
on the north, and Gowanus or Gowan's Cove and
Creek, which ran deep into the land from the
south. Thus the land line was reduced to little
more than a mile and a third, presenting, as it
were, a natural front to an enemy and resting
both flanks on the water. Within this line, and on
the heights near the water, Lee had built a redoubt,
by means of which, in conjunction with a battery
on the Manhattan side, he hoped to secure the en-
trance of the East River. He had also chosen the
site for two other redoubts, thus forming an "in-
trenched encampment " large enough for three
thousand men.^ Upon this basis Greene began his
work. Near the Wallabout, where are now Fort
Greene and Washington Square, stood a wooded
1 Quoted by Reed. Life and Cor- * Sparks's Correspondence of the
rcspondence of President Reed, Vol. Revolution, Vol. I. pp. 153- 158.
I. p. 224, note,
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 159
hill commanding a water range of a little over a
mile, from Wallabout Bay to Corlear's Hook, and a
land range which covered the two principal roads
from the interior of the island. On this he built
Fort Putnam, a redoubt with five guns, and cut-
ting down the trees, brought the roads under the
fire of his guns. The approaches on the north
were secured bv an intrenchment runnino; in a
northwesterly line down the hillside to the brink
of the Wallabout. Another zigzag intrenchment
connected it with Freek's Mill pond, a body of wa-
ter at the head of Gowanus Creek ; and, to make
this entrenchment, already so well protected by the
nature of the ground, still easier to defend, he
strengthened it by another redoubt of five guns,
half-way between the millpond and Fort Putnam.
This, proper names being the order of the day, he
named, or some one named for him, Fort Greene.
Near the head of the creek, and still within the
peninsula, was another high hill, called Cobble Hill
by the English settlers, but Ponkiesberg by the
Dutch. On this a third redoubt was built, armed
with three guns and strengthened by an intrench-
ment which, running spirally down the cone-shaped
hill, procured the works the characteristic name of
the Corkscrew Fort. Between this fort and Gowa-
nus Cove was Box-hill Fort, a fourth redoubt ; and
two more small redoubts, one on the slope of Ber-
gen Hill and one near the Jamaica road, and a little
south of Fort Putnam, completed the lines of de-
fence on the land side. On the water side a strong
IGO LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREEXE. [1776.
guard was stationed at Red Plook, where works had
ah'eady been thrown up, and another at Governor's
Island, half-way between Red Hook and the Bat-
tery. Hand's regiment was stationed at the Nar-
rows, to keep a sharp lookout from that important
point, and the shore carefully patrolled ; and, to
prepare himself for defending the ground between
his lines and the landing-places on the coast,
Greene made a careful study of it in every direc-
tion.^
His first care was to push on his works as rapid-
ly as his means would permit. But while part of
his small force was working with the spade, large
numbers were also required for guards. " I can-
not safely enlarge the fatigue party," he writes
in July, "without injuring the health of the
people, for they are one day on and one day off
duty now."
To secure the earliest intelligence of the enemy's
approach, a system of signals was planned by a
committee composed of Sullivan, Greene, and Stir-
ling. " Upon the appearance of any number of
ships by day, from one to six, a large flag is to be
hoisted on the highlands of Neversink; upon the
appearance of any number, from six to twenty,
two flags, and for any greater number, three flags.
These flags are to be hoisted upon flagstaffs ar-
ranged there, from east to west, at twenty yards'
distance from each other. The signals by night to
1 In the topographical part of this Lossing's Field-Book of the Revolu-
description I have made free use of tion, Vol. II. Ch. XXIII.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 161
be given by an equal number of fires, arranged in
the same order and at the same places. These
signals to be reported, both by day and night, on
the heights of Staten Island, by flags and fires
arrano;ed in the same manner We recom-
mend that the day signal be given by large
ensigns, with broad stripes of red and white, and
that upon the appearance of three flags by day, or
three fires by night, the country is to take the
alarm, and communicate it as soon as possible, for
the purpose of calling in the militia." A good look-
out was to be kept up day and night, and in
addition to the alarm by flag, "intelligence to
be given by express to the Commander-in-chief." ^
The militia, by order of the Committee of Safety,
had a " rendezvous appointed " for each regiment,
and riders were kept in readiness, day and night,
to spread the alarm.
While he was thus actively engaged in prepar-
ing to meet the open attack of an enemy from
without, a less congenial vigilance was forced upon
him by an enemy within. Like all her sister Colo-
nies, New York had her full share of Tories ; and
on Long Island the number was so great as to give
just grounds for anxiety. Should the king's troops
succeed in effecting a landing, and putting them-
selves in direct communication with these partisans
of the crown, their familiarity with the country
would make them invaluable assistants in every
operation of the enemy. Meanwhile, they served
1 Force, American Archives, Vol. V. p. 1473.
11
162 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1776.
as spies upon the patriot army, and as a check upon
the actions of the patriot citizens. Some made no
secret of their predilections ; some temporized and
tried to lull suspicion ; nearlj'^ all were prepared
to welcome the invading army the moment it ap-
peared, and work covertly the while to make its
landing and advance easy. And in doing this
they made skilful use of exaggerated statements,
false reports, malignant slanders, and all those dan-
gerous arts which add so much to the peril and
bitterness of civil war.
The part of the military arm in this matter was
exceedingly delicate ; for at such moments nothing
is easier than to raise the cry of despotism and
military usurpation. " I will lend any aid in my
power that shall be thought within the line of my
department," wrote Washington to the Committee
of Safety, " to root out or secure such abominable
pests of society."^ And with his usual judgment
he continued to act as the apparent agent of the
Committee, while, as with the Congress, he con-
trolled, in a measure, and inspired their counsels by
his admirable letters. Greene's duty was, in the
main, purely executive. "I send you prisoner,"
he writes to the Provincial Congress on the 6th of
June, " Mr. John Livingston and his barber, taken
into custody by order of the committee of Jamaica,
as you will see by the papers accompanying this.
He was delivered by the captain of the minute
company to Lieutenant-Colonel Cornwcll, who com-
1 Sparks's Washington, Vol. III. p. 391.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 163
manded a detachment frpm this division of the
army, by order of General Putnam, to Hempstead.
The captain requested that he might be dehvered
safely into the hands of the Congress ; accordingly
I have sent him (Livingston) and his barber under
the care of a number of officers. It is notorious
that many of the inhabitants of Queen's County
are very unfriendly. Arms, I am informed by the
officers of my brigade, are daily carrying by the
camp down into that part of the island, and the
inhabitants here say they are the very people that
are known to be unfriendly. I should be glad to
know whether you approve or disapprove of such
a practice. The officers tell me that not less than
four or five hundred stand of arms have gone by
the camp within a few days. I have given orders
to stop all for the future until I know your
pleasure."
But when the enemy came and the danger grew
more imminent, it sometimes was necessary to act
without waiting for the previous action of the
Committee. " I shall send in," he writes to Wash-
ington, August 4th, " a list of the persons proper
to be taken up on the Island." -^ On the 11th he
sends a list of thirty-seven names, prepared with the
aid of " Mr. Skinner, a young gentleman bred to the
practice of the law, and perfectly acquainted w^ith
almost all the political characters in the Province.
.... Your Excellency will please to examine it,
and if it meets your approbation, signify the time
1 Force, Archives, 5th Series, Vol. I. p. 750.
164 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1776.
you will have the execution take place by giving
3'our orders on the back of the list." The day
before he had " sent over nine suspected Tories to
the City Hall," one of whom did " not seem to be
an object worth sending aw^ay Among the
others there were several insignificant characters.
How extensive their influence may be I can't pre-
tend to divine ; but from their appearance they
don't look like doing much mischief" The Tories,
however, were upon the lookout, and, either from
the suspicion natural to their position or fore-
w^arned by friends with whom old associations
were more powerful than public duty, " many of
them had gone off." " I wonder," Greene writes,
"wdicther anything of this sort has been in con-
templation by the Provincial Congress. It is sur-
prising to me how it could be known."
Sometimes, with all his earnestness, he found it
difficult to conduct the examination with a sober
face. " I have examined the prisoners," he writes
on the 27th of July, " and find them to be a parcel
of poor, ignorant, cow^ardly fellows. Two are
tailors, named John and James Dunbar, and the
other two are common laborers, named Isaac Petit
and Will. Smith. They candidly confess they set
off with an intention of going to Staten Island,
but not with any intention of joining the enemy,
but to get out of the way of fighting here. I be-
lieve the true reasons of their attempting to make
their escape were, there has been a draft among
the militia to fill the new levies, and it was rumored
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 165
these were a part that were drawn. It was also
reported they were to go into the Northern army,
and that ahnost all that went there died or were
killed. The prospect was so shocking to them,
and to their grandmothers and aunts, I believe
they persuaded them to run away. Never did I
see fellows more frightened ; they wept like a par-
cel of children, and appear exceeding sorrowful.
One of them is in an exceeding ill state of health,
very unfit for any fatigue. I beg your Excel-
lency's direction how to dispose of them ; they
don't appear to be acquainted with one pubhc mat-
ter ; they have been Toryish, but I fancy not from
principle, but from its being the prevailing senti-
ment in the country." ^
Such cases, however, were rare, and the larger
part of the disaffected, as the sequel proved, were
both willins; and able to fi2;ht in their bad cause.
Sometimes they collected in numbers. " I re-
ceived information last evening," he writes on the
27th of July, "of there being thirty or forty Tories
on a little island at the entrance of Jamaica Bay,
Three boats full of men were seen off there day
before yesterday, but they did not land nor speak
with any boats, that the guards could discover. I
sent a party of sixty men to scour the island this
morning, and to take all they found there pris-
oners." ^
Sometimes his pen has the ring of the sword in
1 Force, Archives, 5th Series, Vol. ^ Force, Archives, ut sup., p. 621.
I. pp. 621, 622.
16G LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1776.
it. "In obedience to the within order and war-
rant, I sent a detachmennt of my brigade, under
the command of Colonel Vernon, to the house of
the within named David Mathews, Esq., at Flat-
bush, who surrounded his house and seized his per-
son, precisely at the hour of one this morning.
After having made him a prisoner, diligent search
was made after his papers; but none could be found,
notwithstanding great care was taken that none of
the family should have the least opportunity to
remove or destroy them."^
These were stern measures; but "matters," wrote
Washington, "are too far advanced to sacrifice
anything to punctilios My tenderness has
been often abused, and I have had reason to
repent the indulgence shown to them."^ Lenity,
indeed, was attributed to fear ; but when men
who, like Mathews, were suspected, upon strong
grounds, of conspiring against the new government
were subjected to the restraints which duty to it-
self and to the people compelled it to impose, they
talked loudly of violated rights and injured inno-
cence.^
But why revive these obscure details? Because
I would show how the earnest, single-minded men
looked upon their duty, and did it ; accepting war
1 The warrant, under date of Juno ^ Mathews's Letters, and the reply
21, 1776, and bearinfj the sijrnatures of the New York Convention, Au-
of I'hilip Liviii(:ston, John Jay, and gust 28, 1776, are deservinj^ of care-
Gouveniciir Morris, is pivcn in full in ful perusal. See Force, Archives,
Force's Archives. Vol. VI. p. 1158. 5th Series, Vol. I. p. 1549 el scq.
2 Sparks's Washington, Vol. III.
p. 452.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 167
for what it was, — the dominion of the strong hand
and resolute will, — and civil war as a condition
which permitted no neutrality. When the war
was over, General Greene made himself many ene-
mies, both in South Carolina and in Rhode Island,
by opposing the exclusion of the Tories as im-
politic in a country which required population, and
unjust as punishing opinions which could no longer
do harm, and which twenty years earlier had been
held by Whig and Tory alike. But while the war
lasted no one kept them more sternly in check
than he. It was some compensation for this un-
pleasant duty, that it brought him into intercourse
with John Jay and Gouverneur Morris,-^ leading
members of the secret committee of the Provincial
Congress. And it was a pleasant relief from the in-
spection of works already planned to ride up with
other officers, or with Knox alone, and study the
ground on Manhattan Island that was to become
the scene of action. " I am obliged to defer going
up to King's Bridge till another day," he writes to
Knox the 29th of May, "being under obligation
to go to New Utrecht this morning, and to wait on
the Committee of Safety of this town this after-
noon about some business I will endeavor to
see you this afternoon, and fix upon some other
time for reconnoitring the ground up and about
King's Bridge." Knox, upon whom much of the
1 Jay took a leadings part in the See Life of John Jay, by his son Wil-
measures against the Tories, repug- Ham Jay, Vol. I. p. 48 et seq.
nant as severity was to his feelings.
108 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENK [1776.
duty of an engineer devolved, was glad to have
such a companion in his studies, and Greene, who
had been early drawn towards Knox by his warm
heart and sound mind, loved to be with him.
Sometimes other officers accompanied them, and it
was on one of these reconnoitring expeditions
that "the commandino; heio;ht near Morris's house"
was pointed out " as a position which, if properly
fortified, would be nearly impregnable." So, among
others, thought Putnam. Some insisted, with
Greene and Heath, that, even if it were " made as
strong as Gibraltar," it would be a mere trajD from
which it would be impossible for the army to ex-
tricate itself, unless the high grounds above the
bridge were occupied at the same time.^ Both
opinions were accepted, and Fort Washington was
built on the first height and Fort Independence on
the second.
At the camp before Boston, Greene's regiments
had been distinguished as the best disciplined in
the army. Since then many changes had taken
place in the organization of his brigade, and his
new troops had not yet had time to acquire the
precision of the old. Still, mixing with them, and
working and living together, an attachment sprang
up between the new and old regiments which he
carefully fostered as a means of success. He seems,
too, to have fully appreciated the importance of
exact and regular reports, both for preserving dis-
cipline by keeping officer and soldier constantly
1 Keath, Mem., p. 52.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 169.
under the eye of their commander, and for ena-
bhng him, by reference to his returns, to ascertain
at any moment the number and condition of his
men. The state of each company was the subject
of a morning report, from the corporal to every
officer in the company ; the state of each regiment,
of a daily report from the adjutant to the com-
manding officer ; there were daily reports of the
sick and absent; provision reports every other
day to the quartermaster; returns from the adju-
tant three times a week, and the same number of
returns from the surgeon ; daily reports of guards,
and twice a week reports of arms and ammunition.
These, with courts-martial, orders, papers, and cor-
respondence, required a ream of paper a month
for each regiment ; and, much as they fell short of
the completeness and accuracy introduced by Steu-
ben, were of great service, and, when regularly
carried out, must have contributed materially to
lighten the burden that lay so heavy upon Wash-
ington's shoulders. Greene spared no pains to
make them effective in his brigade.^
1 See estimate of the quantity of American Archives, 5th Series, Vol.
paper necessary for each re<riment I. p. 578.
of General Greene's brigade. Force,
CHAPTER VI.
Death of Governor Ward. — Correspondence with John Adams. —
Tone and Character of it. — The new Army. — Difficulties in Rais-
ins and Orsanizing it. — Provisions for the Disabled. — Condition of
the Officers. — Principles of Promotion. — Insufliiient Pay of Sol-
diers and Officers. — Exaggerated Ideas of the Strength of the Army.
— Rhode Island Declaration of Independence. — Letters to Wash-
ington. — Alexander Hamilton. — Mrs. Greene, at Camp.
TT has been seen that Greene took great pleasure
-"- in writing to Governor Ward, not merely as a
duty of friendship, but in order to bring his ideas
upon the important questions of the day before an
active and influential member of Congress, On
the 2Gth of March Ward died of the small-pox,
which was still committino; its fearful ravao;es
throughout the length and breadth of the land,
decimating the army in Canada, and knocking with
livid hand at the doors of the national council
in Philadelphia. Some had guarded themselves
against it by inoculation ; but Ward, by one of
those inconsistencies which we often find in the
most enlightened men, felt that he had no time to
be inoculated ; and when the disease came, the blow
was sure.^ And thus he died, a wise, pure-minded,
1 John Adams, in a letter to liis Island.by the small-pox, in the natural
wife, says : " We have liiis wock lost way. He never would hearken to
a very valuahle friend of the Colo- his friends, wiio have been constantly
nies in Governor Ward of Rhode advising him to be inoculated ever
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 171
earnest man, whose merit Congress recognized so
fully, that, in committee of the whole, although
coming from the smallest of the Colonies but one,
he was almost constantly called to the chair ; an
early advocate of independence, although he did
not live to take a part in the final discussion ;
a firm believer in the happy issue of the war, al-
though he was not permitted to witness even the
evacuation of Boston ; one whose innate upright-
ness and steadfast loyalty to truth and honor were
soon greatly missed in Congress, and whom Rhode
Island could ill spare, in shaping the path that was
to lead her from the insulation of Colonial life to
her higher destiny as a member of a great and
indissoluble Union.
Greene felt the loss keenly ; for to whom could
he now tell his thoughts and feelings upon all these
great questions, without reserve ? For a while he
wrote with much fulness and freedom to John
Adams, whose acquaintance he would naturally
have made at Cambridge the preceding autumn,
if indeed he had not already known him during
that earlier period of the contest in which Adams
took so prominent a part. The character of his
letters is still the same, — a close, careful study of
the situation, and an earnest search after the rem-
edy. The army is still foremost in his thoughts,
since the first Congress began. But But in a letter of January 7, to his
he would not be persuaded daughter Deborah, Governor Ward
He must take it in the natural way." writes : " I am not likely to get time to
— Letters of John Adams to his Wife, be inoculated."
p. 92.
172 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1776.
for it is by the arm}'" that the controversy is to be
decided. And how to fdl its ranks, and to keep
them full, is still the prominent question ; for it
was well known that the enemy had filled theirs
by means which showed that they had no scruples
about bloodshed. Nothins; could have broui2;lit out
in a strono-er lio-ht Enii-land's utter ignorance of
the American character, than her employment of
foreign mercenaries in enforcing unconstitutional
acts ; and from the hour in which the first Hessian
put his foot upon American soil, a return to the
affectionate relation of parent and child became im-
possible. Still, while the under-current was setting
more decidedly towards independence, there were
many things on the surface to make thought-
ful men anxious.^ There could be no question
about the result, if all the resources of the coun-
try were developed ; but Greene had watched the
course of Congress too closely, and knew too much
about its internal dissensions, not to entertain se-
rious doubts about its power to develop those
resources seasonably and effectively. One great
opportunity of securing an army for the whole
■war had been permitted to slip by unheeded. Was
there sufficient o-round for believino; that the mis-
take would not be repeated ?
"The peculiar situation of affairs," he writes on
the 2Cth of May, "renders it necessary to adopt
1 In our general aoreptancc of the Dickinson and Robert Morris thought
doctrine of independence, we too of- the declaratiun of it premature,
ten forget that sucli men as Juim
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 173
every measure that will engage people in the ser-
vice." But the people had already discovered that
there was a vast difference between sitting: on
committees of safety or discussing questions in
Congress and working upon intrenchnients or
facing the enemy in the field. "If I am to form
a judgment of the success of recruiting," he says in
the same letter, "from what is past, the time is
too short to raise the troops and be in readiness to
meet the enemy; and as every argument has been
made use of upon the present plan of recruiting
to engage people in the service, there must be
some new motive added to quicken the motions
of the recruiting parties From the ap-
proaching danger, recruiting will grow more and
more difficult. If the Congress was to fix a certain
support upon every officer and soldier that got
maimed in the service, or upon the families of
those that were killed, it would have as happy an
influence towards engaging people in the service,
and inspire those engaged with as much courage,
as any measure that could be fixt upon. I think it
is nothing more than common justice, neither; it
puts those in and out of the army upon a more
equal footing than at present. I have not time to
add anything more. Major Frazier is waiting for
this ; the desperate game you have got to play, and
the uncertainty of war, may render every measure
that will increase the force and strength of the
American army worthy consideration."
Adams agreed with him about the justice of the
174 LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. [1776.
measure, but doubted its acceptance by Congress.
"I could wish," writes Greene on the 2d of June,
" the Congress to think seriously of the matter,
both with respect to the justice and utility of the
measure. Is it not inhuman to suffer those that
have fought nobly in the cause to be reduced to
the necessity of getting a support by common
charity ? Does not this militate wath the free and
independent principles we are endeavoring to
support? Is it not equitable that the States
who received the benefit should be at the ex-
pense ? .... I think it w^ould be right and just
for every government to furnish their equal pro-
portion of troops or contribute to the support of
those that are sent by other Colonies
Can there be anything more humiliating than
this consideration to those that are in the army,
or to those that have a mind to come in it, than
this ? If I meet wdth a misfortune, I shall be
reduced to the necessity of begging my bread.
.... On the contrary, if there were a support
established, what confidence would it give to those
engaged, what encouragement to those that are
not. Good policy points out the measure ; human-
ity calls for it; justice claims it at your hands."
He regards " the dispute as in its infancy," and
urges that " nothing should be neglected to en-
courage people to engage or to render those easy,
contented, and happy that are engaged. Good
covering is an object of the first consideration.
. . . . A few troops, well accommodated, healthy
1776.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 175
and spirited, will do more service to the State that
employs them than a much larger number that are
sickly, dispirited, and discontented. This is the
unhappy state of the army at this time, arising
from the badness of the tents."
He calls Adams's attention also to the condition
of the officers, whom he terms " the very soul of
an army," for "the activity and zeal of the troops
entirely depends upon the animation given them
by their officers The field officers in
general, and the colonels of regiments in par-
ticular, think themselves grievously burthened
upon the present establishment ; few, if any, of
that rank that are worth retaining in service will
continue, if any dependence is to be made upon
the discontent that appears." One of their griev-
ances was " the necessity of acting as factors of the
regiments, .... drawing from the Continental
stores by wholesale, and delivering out to the
troops by retail," greatly to the loss " of such as
were bad accountants." This, says he, " is no part
of the duty of a colonel of a regiment, and (from)
the mode in which the business has been con-
ducted, too much of their time has been engaged
in that employment for the good of the service."
He proposes as a remedy that " there should be
an agent for each regiment to provide the troops
with clothing on the easiest terms."
Another cause of complaint was the insufficiency
of their pay. " They say, and I believe with too
much truth, that their pay will not defray their
176 UFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE, [1776.
expenses The dispute begins to be reduced
to a national principle, and the longer it con-
tinues the more will that idea prevail. People
engaged in the service in the early part of the
dispute without any consideration of pay reward ;
few, if an}'', thought of its continuance ; but its
duration will reduce all that have not indepen-
dent fortunes to attend to their family concerns."
Novelty may attract new men to the service, if
the present officers quit it, but that will not make
up for " the injury the army sustains by the loss
of every good officer. A young officer, without
any experience in the military art and knowledge
of mankind, unless he has a very uncommon genius,
must be totally unfit to command a regiment."
There was still another cause of uneasiness, — a
recent resolve of Congress on which every officer
looked with feelings that might easily be worked
up to a violent explosion. " I observe in the re-
solves of Congress they have reserved to them-
selves the right of rewarding by jDromotion accord-
ing to merit ; the reserve may be right, but the
exercise will be dangerous. (Of) two persons of
very unequal merit, the inferior may get promoted
over the superior, if a single instance of bravery
is a sufficient reason for such promotion. There
is no doubt but it's right and just to reward sin-
gular merit; but the public applause accompanying
every brave action is a noble reward
When one officer is promoted over the head of
another, if he has spirit enough to be fit for ser-
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 177
vice, it lays him under the necessity of quitting it ;
it is a pubhc intimation that he is unfit for pro-
motion, and consequently undeserving his present
appointment. For my own part, I would never
give any legislative body an opportunity to hu-
miliate me but once. I should think the Gen-
eral's recommendation is necessary to warrant a
promotion out of the regular channel."
Nor were the common soldiers without just
grounds of uneasiness, as they looked forward to
the continuance of the war. " The emission of such
large sums of money increases the price of things
in proportion to the sums emitted. The money
has but a nominal value. The evil does not rise
from a depreciation altogether, but from there
being larger sums emitted than is necessary for a
circulating medium. If the evil increases, it will
starve the army ; for the pay of the troops, at the
prices things are sold at, will scarcely keep the
troops decently clothed."
With all his sympathy with Mr. Adams's zeal, he
was not without some doubts of the soundness of
his jugdment. He could not shut his eyes to the
lessons which a year in the midst of the army, and
a year's observation of Congress, had sternly forced
upon him. He had seen the enthusiasm which, in
a few days, brought together an army of nearly
twenty thousand men, speedily evaporate in the
daily routine and daily hardships of camp. He
had seen a second army slowly and painfully col-
lected ; had seen how difficult it w^as to arm them,
12
178 LIFE OF NATII.iNAEL GREENE. [1776.
how hard it was to supply them with powder ; how
burdensome their food, clothing, and pay were be-
coming ; he knew that there were jealousies and
dissensions in Congress, divisions and animosities
among the people ; he knew that the favorable
moment for securing men for the war had been
allowed to pass by unimproved, and that it would
soon become necessary to begin the tantalizing
labor of enlistment over again ; he saw a paper
money unsupported by taxes rapidly spreading
over the country, and obstructing the channels of
healthy commerce. And, seeing; these thino-s, he
could not but recognize in them an element of
failure, which it behooved thouirhtful men to take
calmly into consideration, and, instead of indulg-
ing themselves in delusive hopes, to meet it by a
prompt and judicious application of all their re-
sources.
" I observe," he continues, in the same letter,
"that 3^0 u don't think the game you are playing as
desperate as I imagine. You doubtless are much
better acquainted with the resources that are to
be had in case of any misfortune than I am ; but I
flatter myself I know the history, state, and strength
of this army as well as any in it, both with respect
to the goodness of the troops or the abilities of the
officers. Don't be too confident ; the fate of war
is very uncertain ; little incidents has given rise to
great events. Suppose this army should be de-
feated, two or three of the leading generals killed,
our stores and magazines all lost ; I would not be
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 179
answerable for the consequences that such a stroke
might produce in American pohtics."
Exaggerated ideas of the strength and condition
of the army had been spread through the coun-
try, — ideas which it was very desirable to give the
enemy, but very dangerous for our own people to
entertain ; for it not only led them to relax their
exertions, but served to foster expectations which,
as they could not be fulfilled, became the ground
of dangerous suspicions and unjust complaint.
" You think," continues Greene, " the present army,
assisted by the militia, is sufficient to oppose the
force of Great Britain, formidable as it appears on
paper. I can assure you it's necessary to make
great allowances, in the calculation of our strength,
from, the establishment, or else you '11 be greatly
deceived. I am confident the force of America, if
properly exerted, will prove superior to all her en-
emies, but I would risk nothing to chance ; it is
easy to disband when it is impossible to raise
troops If the force of Great Britain should
prove near equal to what it has been represented,
a large augmentation will be necessary ; if the
present offers should not be sufficient to induce
people to engage in the army, you will be obliged
to augment the bounty, and perhaps at a time
when that order of people will have it in their
power to make their own conditions, or distress the
state."
In what light Greene viewed his correspondence
with Adams appears in a letter of July 14 : — •
180 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1776.
" r received your letter of the 22d of June : if it was
necessary for you to apologize for not writing sooner, it is
necessary also for me. But, as the express conditions of
my corresponding with you was to write when I liad time,
and leave you to answer at your leisure, I think an apol-
ogy is unnecessary on either side. But I can assure you,
as you did me, that it is not for want of respect that your
letter has been unanswered so long.
" I am glad to find you agree witli me in the justice
and propriety of estal)lishing some provision for the un-
fortunate. I have not had time to fix upon any plan for
that purpose, but I will write you more fully in my next.
I have never mentioned the matter to but one or two par-
ticular friends, for fear the establishment should not take
place. The troops' expectations being once raised, a dis-
appointment must necessarily sour them. On the other
hand, if the Congress established a support for the unfor-
tunate unsolicited, it must inspire the army with love and
gratitude towards the Congress for so generous an act.
" You query whether there is not a want of economy
in the army amongst the officers. I can assure you there
is not among those of my acquaintance. The expenses of
the officers runs very high, unless they dress and live be-
low the gentleman. Few that have ever lived in charac-
ter will be willing to descend to that. As long as they
continue in service they will support their rank ; if their
pay is not sufficient, they will draw on their private for-
tunes at home. The pay of the soldiers will scarcely keep
them decently clothed. The troops are kept so much
upon fatigue that they wear out their clothing as fast as
the officers can get it. Tlie wages given to common sol-
diers is very high, but everything is so dear that the pur-
chase of a few articles takes their whole pay. This is a
general complaint through the whole army.
'^ I am not against rewarding merit, or encouraging
1776.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 181
activity; neither would I have promotions confined to a
regular line of succession. But every man that has spirit
enough to be fit for an officer will have too mvich to con-
tinue in service after another of inferior rank is put over
his head. The power of rewarding merit should be lodged
with the Congress, but I should think the GeneraFs rec-
ommendation is the best testimonial of a person's deserv-
ing a reward that the Congress can have.
" Many of the New England colonels have let in a jeal-
ousy that the Southern officers of that rank in the Conti-
nental establishment are treated with more respect and at-
tention by the Congress than they are. They say several
of the Southern colonels have been promoted to the rank
of brigadier-general, but not one New England colonel.
Some of them appear not a little disgusted. I wish the
officers in general were as studious to deserve promotion
as they are anxious to obtain it.
" You cannot more sincerely lament the want of knowl-
edge to execute the business that falls in your department
than I do that which falls in mine; and, was I not kept
in countenance by some of my superior officers, I should
be sincerely disposed to quit the command I hold in the
army. But I will endeavor to supply the want of knowl-
edge as much as possible by watchfulness and industry.
In these respects I flatter myself I have never been faulty.
I have never been one moment out of the service since I
engaged in it. My interest has and will suffer greatly by
my absence, but I shall think that a small sacrifice if I
can save my country from slavery.
" You have heard long before this reaches you of the
arrival of General and Admiral Howe. The General's
troops are encamped on Staten Island. The Admiral
arrived on Friday last. A few hours before his arrival
two ships went up the North River amidst a most terrible
fire from the different batteries. The Admiral sent up a
182 LIFE OF NATHAN.\EL GREENE. [1776.
flag to-day, but, as the letter was not properly addressed,
it was not received. The Admiral laments his not arriv-
ing a few days sooner. I suppose he alludes to the Dec-
laration of Independence. It is said he has great powers
to treat, as well as a strong army to execute.
" I wrote you some time past I thought you was play-
ing a desperate game. I still think so. Here is Howe's
army arrived, and the reinforcements hourly expected.
" The whole force we have to oppose them don't
amount to much above nine thousand, if any. I could
wish the troops had been drawn together a little earlier,
that we might have had some opportunity of disciplining
them. However, what falls to my lot I shall endeavor to
execute to the best of my ability."
It has already been seen that, as early as October
of the preceding year, Greene was anxious for a
declaration of independence. Rhode Island, with-
out waiting for the action of Congress, made her
declaration in May.^ Greene welcomed it with ex-
ultation. " By a letter from Governor Cooke," he
writes to a friend on the 14th, " covering a late act
past last session in your government, you have
declared yourselves independent. 'T is nobly done.
God prosper you, and crown your endeavors with
success."
While the army lay before Boston, his daily
communications with Washington left little room
for correspondence. But now his letters grow
more frequent, showing not only how intimate the
relations between them had become, Init what a
wide range his thoughts had taken, and how ear-
1 Arnold's Rhode Island, Vol. II. p. 372.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHAJSAEL GREENE. 183
nestly he labored to do his duty, even in its minute
details.
"I beg; leave to recommend to vour considera-
tion," he writes to Washington on the 5th of July,
" the establishing; a certain g-uard at Red Hook. It
is undoubtedly a post of vast importance. De-
tached guards never defend a place equal to troops
stationed at a particular post. Both officers and
men contract an affection for a post after being
there some time ; they will be more industrious to
have evervthing; in readiness, and more obstinate
in defence. The little baggage that each private
has is of consequence to him, and will influence his
conduct in time of action if it is at stake. The
officers also will have new motives ; they, knowing
a post to be committed to their trust, and that the
whole disgrace will fall upon them if any miscon-
duct happens, will be much more likely to take
every necessary precaution to avoid so great an
evil. But an officer that commands a detachment
thinks little more than how to pass away his time
during his tour of duty, it being uncertain whether
he shall ever command there again."
Is there not something in this of the man who
had studied Locke carefully, and trained himself
betimes to trace human actions to their spring ?
On the 11th, he calls AYa.shington's attention to
another subject, and in this letter, too, displays the
same instinctive tendency to combine close obser-
vation with broad generalization.
"I was mentioning, some few days past, that
184 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1776.
a putrid fever prevailed in my brigade, and that I
thought it partly owing to their feeding too freely
on animal food. Vegetables would be much more
wholesome ; and, by your Excellency's permission,
they may be provided for the troops, without any
additional expense to the Continent, if the colonels
of the regiments were allowed to retrench in the
article of meat, and that they should draw its value
in money, to be applied by the quartermaster of
the regiment to the procuring necessary sauce, the
quartermaster to draw the money weekly, and to
account to the commanding officer of the regiment
how it is expended, and for what. This method
may be a little more troublesome to the commis-
sary-general and the quartermaster of the regi-
ment ; but if it will remedy so great an evil as now
prevails, I think it worthy 3^our Excellency's atten-
tion. The troops cannot complain that they are
scanted in their allowance ; leaving them at liberty
to draw either meat or monev, as the inclination of
the troops or commanding ofhcer may lead them,
puts it out of their power to complain. People
often would adopt measures, when left to their
choice, that they would think a hardship to have
imposed upon them.
" Cleanliness contributes much to the health of
the troops. They now do and have done so much
fatigue, that the allowance of soap will not keep
them clean. Their clothing gets exceedingly dirty,
and they wear out twice as many clothes on fatigue
as doing other duty. I should think it a piece of
1776.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 185
justice due to the troops, for the extraordinary fa-
tigue, to be allowed a double quantity of soap when
they are employed so much on fatigue. This is a
grievance I have often heard the officers complain
of, that the fatigue wore out the troops' clothing
faster than they could get them, and that they
made themselves so dirty at work that the allow-
ance of soap would not clean them.
"I have never mentioned anything of a further
allowance of soap to any person, except the other
evening at head-quarters. I only beg leave to
propose it to your Excellency's consideration, and
leave it for your better judgment to determine the
propriety and utility of such an establishment."
"I wrote to your Excellency yesterday morn-
ing," he writes on the 18th, "that I thought it
would be an advisable measure to have Cobble
Hill fixed upon to give notice, by the fire of two or
three guns, that the enemy had landed on this
island. Colonel Cary wrote me an answer to that
proposition that your Excellency had no objection.
If it is to alarm the camp on your side, it should
be mentioned in general orders, that the guards
may govern themselves accordingly. I don't want
it to alarm this camp ; what I proposed it for was,
to give 3^our Excellency earlier intelligence than
could be done by express, and the express to fol-
low with the particulars. I submit it to your
Excellency's further consideration."
A letter of the 25th gives us a glimpse of him
at his desk : a little, mahogany desk it was, — it
186 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. 11776.
is before me now, — a foot and a half wide by a foot
deep, with a sloping lid scarce large enough to
hold the foolscap sheet on which he usually wrote,
and which, lifting like the lid of a school-desk,
shows within a small oblong space in front, and,
in the back part, four neat little drawers, and a
space between them divided by a shelf. The table
it stood on then was covered with passes, which
he was signing, — dull, tedious, unprofitable work
for a general officer, but which must nevertheless
be done.
" I am so confined writing passes, &c., that it is
impossible for me to attend to the duties of the
day, which in many instances prejudices the ser-
vice. Such a confined situation leaves one no op-
portunity of viewing things for themselves. It is
recommended bv one of the greatest s-enerals of
the age, not only to issue orders, but to see to the
execution ; for, the army being composed of men
of indolence, if the commander is not attentive to
every individual in the different departments, the
machine becomes dislocated, and the progress of
business retarded.
" The science or art of war requires a freedom
of thought and leisure to reflect upon the various
incidents that dailj^ occur, which cannot be had
where the whole of one's time is enojrossed in
clerical emplo3'ments. The time devoted to this
employment is not the only injury I feel, but it
confines my thoughts as well as engrosses my time.
It is like a merchandise of small wares.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 187
" I must beg leave to recommend to your Excel-
lency's consideration the appointing an officer to
write and sign the necessary passes. The person
I should wish to appoint is Lieutenant Blodget. If
it was put in general orders that passes signed by
him should be deemed authentic as if signed by
me, it would leave me at liberty to pursue the
more important employments of my station.
" I hope your Excellency will not think this
application results from a lazy habit, or a desire to
free mvself from business, — far from it : I am
never more happy than when I am honorably or
usefully employed. If your Excellency thinks I
can promote the service as much in this emplo}^-
ment as in any other, I shall cheerfully execute
the business without the least murmur."
On the 28th, he closes a report with another
suo;o;estion for the comfort of his men. " The new
levies that come in hanker after milk and vege-
tables. I should think that it would benefit the
service to allow all the regiments to draw one
third the value of the animal food in money, to
purchase milk, &c., and direct in the most positive
terms the quartermasters to provide it for the
men."
A letter of the 3d of August gives us another
kind of glimpse of him, and not so pleasant a one ;
for it reveals, at the same time, one of the abuses
of our imperfectly organized army, and he is
somewhat angry. " General Heard gives furloughs
to the troops of Colonel Foreman's regiment. I
188 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1776.
conceive it to be capitally wrong, and very injurious
to nie and Colonel Foreman both, as neither can
know what to depend upon if the troops are fur-
loughed without our knowledge or consent. This
is not the only evil ; for if the troops are refused
the indulgence here they request, and get it else-
where, it will naturally lead them to form an
opinion that we are tyrannical. I must beg your
Excellency to put a stop to it immediately."
Two days later he takes up the subject of regi-
mental hospitals. " There is no proper establish-
ment for the supplying the regimental hospital
with proper utensils for the sick. They suffer,
therefore, for want of proper accommodation.
There is repeated complaint upon this head. The
regimental hospitals are and ever will be rendered
useless, na}', grievous, unless there is some proper
fund to provide the necessary conveniences. The
general hospital cannot receive all the sick, and
those that are in the regimental hospitals are in a
suffering condition. If this evil continues, it must
greatly injure the service, as it will greatly dispirit
the well to see the sick suffer, and prevent their
engaging again upon any conditions whatever.
Great humanity should be exercised towards those
indisposed. Kindness, on one hand, leaves a favor-
able and lasting impression ; neglect and suffering,
on the other, is never forgotten.
" I am sensible there has formerly been great
abuses in the regimental hospitals ; but I am in
hopes in general men of better principles are
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 189
elected to those places, and that the same evils will
not happen again. But the continent had better
suffer a little extraordinary expense than the sick
should be left to suffer for want of those con-
veniences that may easily be provided.
" I would beg leave to propose that the colonels
of regiments be allowed to draw moneys to provide
the regimental hospitals with proper utensils ; an
account of the disbursements weekly or monthly
to be rendered. This will prevent abuse and
remedy the evil. Something is necessary to be
done speedily, as many sick are in a suffering
condition."
It is evident from these letters that Greene had
studied his situation carefully, and that his reflec-
tions upon the events that were passing around
him were fast taking the shape of principles. His
knowledge had been enlarged by observation upon
a wider field, but the habit of mind was still that
habit of firm, bold, but careful withal and patient,
thought which he had formed for his own guidance
long before he dreamed of the use it would one
day be put to. And it is in this light that the
study of his letters becomes so important; ever
bearing in mind that what may now be gathered
from text-books in a few hours, required then the
observations of more than one campaign, and a
vigorous mind to reason upon them. There are
few of his letters which, however triflintr the im-
mediate occasion, do not reveal the workings of
an active and powerful mind.
190 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1776.
With such qualities, he could not but take a deep
interest in the profession that brought them into
play. Without loving war, without ever closing
his eyes to its horrors, he found in its intense ex-
citement a kind of stern delight, — the delight of
the strong man in putting forth his strength. It
called out all his faculties, and put all his energies
to task; revealing to himself, as well as to others,
capacities of which he had been altogether uncon-
scious. And with the growth of this feeling grew
another feeling, its natural attendant. Military
fame was within his reach. The work that he was
helping to do would some day furnish material for
history, and, as he asked himself what place his
name was to hold in that history, he felt unwonted
longings ri.se within him. " Let my name stand
fair for the inspection of inquiring friends," he had
written in the first weeks of the war. But now
those friends were no lono'cr the little villao-e circle,
but the leaders of the nation ; and to stand fair with
them was fame. Thus, too, he naturally became
sensitive about promotion and rank, as the expres-
sion of public approbation. The light in which he
viewed promotion has already been seen from his
letter of the 2d of June to John Adams. It is ex-
pressed still more fully in a letter of May 21st to
Washing-ton, and is the more deservino; of attention
inasmuch as he found himself, in the course of the
next year, compelled to act upon it in a manner
which has been greatly misinterpreted.
" From the last accounts from Great Britain, it
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 191
appears absolutely necessary that there should be
an augmentation of the American forces ; in conse-
quence of which, I suppose, there will be several
promotions. As I have no desire of quitting the
service, I hope the Congress will take no measure
that will lay me under the disagreeable necessity
of doing it. I have ever found myself exceeding
happy under your Excellency's command. I wish
my ability to deserve was equal to my inclination
to merit. How far I have succeeded in my en-
deavors, I submit to your Excellency's better
judgment. I hope I shall never be more fond of
jDromotion than studious to merit it. Modesty will
forever forbid me to apply to that house for any
favors. I consider myself immediately under your
Excellency's protection, and look up to you for
justice. Every man feels himself wounded when
he finds himself neglected, and that in proportion
as he is conscious of endeavoring to merit atten-
tion. I shall be satisfied with any measures that
the Congress shall take that have not a direct ten-
dency to degrade me in the public estimation. A
measure of that sort would sink me in my own es-
teem, and render me spiritless and uneasy in my
situation, and consequently unfit for the service.
I wish for nothing more than justice, either upon a
principle of merit or rank, and will at all times rest
satisfied when your Excellency tells me I ought to
be. I feel myself strongly attached to the cause,
to the Continental Congress, and to your Excel-
lency's person; and I should consider it a great
192 LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. [1776.
misfortune to be deprived of an opportunity of tak-
ing an active part in the support of the one, and in
the promotion of the other. But, should anything
take place, contrary to my wishes, which might fur-
nish me with a sufficient reason for quitting the
service, yet I will not do it until the dangers and
difficulties appear less than at present."
It was not, however, until August that the new
appointments were made, when four new major-
generals were chosen, his name still coming last on
the list. Although independence had already been
declared more than a month, and but seven days
before, all the members had set their names to the
Declaration in solemn session, his new commission,
like his brigadier's commission of the preceding
year, still ran in the name of the United Colonies.
Unlike that, however, it bears the date both of the
month and the year. On the 12th, his promotion
was announced in general orders, and Nixon's and
Heard's brigades were put under his command.
One of the first benefits that he experienced in the
possession of a higher grade was the lightening of
that clerical burden which had pressed on him so
heavily, for he was now entitled to two aids. " I
have made choice," he writes on the 15th, "of Mr.
William Blodget and Major William Livingston for
my aides-de-camp. Should it meet with your ap-
probation, you will please to signify it in orders."
I have already spoken of his growing intimacy
with Knox. About this time he laid the founda-
tion of another friendship, which, like that with
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 193
Knox, was to grow stronger year by year, and end
only with life. Duty as well as inclination often
called him to head-quarters ; and his way from the
ferry led him through the Park, then open ground,
and frequently used for drills and parades. One
day, on passing through it, whether in coming or
in going the tradition does not tell, his attention
was attracted by the soldierly appearance of a com-
pany of young artillerists, and particularly by the
air and bearing of their commander, who, though
but a boy in size, went through his duty with the
precision of a veteran. When the parade was over,
Greene sent to compliment the young officer on
his proficiency, and invite him to dinner. The in-
vitation was accepted ; and thus began that inter-
course with Alexander Hamilton which, founded
on a just appreciation of each other's talents, per-
fect confidence in each other's motives, equal devo-
tion to the cause in which they were engaged, and
a singular harmony of opinions upon all the great
questions involved in it, was a source of strength
and happiness to both.
During part of the sjoring and summer his wife
was with him in camp. Mrs. Washington and Mrs.
Knox were with their husbands at the same time,
and the pleasant intercourse of Cambridge appears
to have been kept up between them all, — dinner
being still a favorite mode of bringing them to-
gether. " GeneraJ Greene and lady present their
compliments to Colonel Knox and his lady, and
should be glad of their company to-morrow at din-
is
194 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1776.
ner, at two o'clock," says a note dated Thursday
evening, eight o'clock, and still preserved among
the Knox papers. But as the active business of
the campaign began, the ladies turned their faces
homeward, and little time or inclination was left for
even these brief hours of social enjoyment. " Mrs.
Washington left the city," is the entry for the 30th
of June in Heath's Diary.
CHAPTER YII.
Enemy's Ships besin to arrive at the Hook. — Constant "Watching. —
Alarms in the Country. — Tories. — Threatened Duel in Greene's
Division. — English Fleet at the Narrows. — Arrival of the Hessians.
— Hitchcock's Regiment. — Militia. — First Marching Orders. —
Removal of Cattle and Grain. — Dangerous Illness. — Carried
to New York. — Battle of Long Island.
A BOUT this time ships began to drop into the
•^-^ Hook, " three or four " a day} and on the 29th
of June a hundred and twenty sail of topsail vessels
cast anchor there. Henceforth Greene's eye will be
ever on them, watching their slightest movements.
" The general officers were in council," writes Heath
on the same day. The Americans lie on their
arms all the night of the 2d of July.^ On the 5th
four prisoners are brought in ; and from them
Greene grains the first accurate estimate of the
enemy's force, which he immediately transmits to
Washington. " The people of Staten Island," he
writes, " went on board the fleet as they lay at the
Hook, several boat-loads of them." A warning
this, that, unless he kept sharp watch, the people of
Lono; Island w^ould do the same at the earliest
1 Sparks's Washington, Vol. III. here." — Reed to Mrs. Reed, 1st Ju-
p. 443. ly, Life, &c. of President Reed,
2 Heath, p. 48, " Mrs. Washinrrton Vol. I. p. 194.
and die other ladies are gone from
196 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1776.
opportunity. " Our people are firing with nine-
pounders at the Narrows, but have not heard
whether they have done any execution. There
was a smart fire heard at the west end of Staten
Island about four this morning. It is supposed to
be an attack upon Fort Smith, in the south part of
Staten Island."
On the 11th four more sail are seen standing in
for the Hook, two ships, a brigantine, and a schooner.
The fleet lies idly at anchor ; but from time to time
a few vessels detach themselves from the main
body, as if to perplex the Americans, either drop-
ping down seaward, or " cruising about the bay."
On the 17th the enemy are seen to be intrenching
on the heights of Staten Island. " I was down at
the Hook about sunrise," he writes on the 18th,
" and saw a sloop stretching down towards the
Narrows Our out-guards suspect there are
spies about the camp. The sentries have fired half
a dozen times a night the three preceding nights."
AVith Tories all round and an open enemy, whose
ships can bring him, in a couple of hours, close up
to yowY works, this watching and counting new
enemies as they come in is nervous business. And
nervous, too, it is for the poor wives and daughters,
and on the main-land as well as on the island. " We
have our coach standing before our door every
night, and the liorses harnessed, ready to make our
escape if we have time," writes one of them, a
daughter of John Morin Scott. "We have liardlj^
any clothes to wear ; only a second change." Then
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 197
an alarm comes in the night, in the midst of a
thunder-storm, and they hurry off, making their
way towards the interior as best they may. But
at last they are " obliged to stop on the road and
stay all night, and all the lodging (they can) get
(is) a dirty bed on the floor. How hard it seems
for us, who have always been used to living com-
fortably ! " ^
The enemy increases. At two o'clock on the 21st
seven more large ships are seen coming up from
the Hook toward the Narrow^s ; and a negro brought
in by the rifle-guard reports that on Staten Island
eiffht hundred neg;roes are to be formed into a
regiment that very day. And the next day, when
those ships of yesterday have come to anchor,
soldiers are seen on board of them, — men "in the
Highland habit," the comrades, perhaps, of those
Highlanders who, to His Majesty's great "hurt and
surprise, had had the misfortune to fall into the
hands of the enemy," giving Greene a closer view
of the Highland habit than he could get now.^
But now the wheat is. a-ripening in the fields
along the Utrecht and Gravesend shores, and he
would not have it fiill into the hands of the enemy,
" for everything they destroy or carry off will be a
matter of triumph." "I apprehend," he writes,
" that an order of Congress will be necessary for
its removal." He wants, also, Washington's opinion
1 Extracts from a letter fiom a '^ Force, Archives, Vol. VI. p.
daughter of General J. M. Scott, in 1053 ; and 5th Series, Vol. I. p.
Lossing's Field-Book of the Revolu- 1102.
tion. Vol. II. p. 599.
108 LIFE OF NATIIAXAEL GREENE. [1776.
upon his preparations of defence. "I should be
exceeding glad." he Avrites on the 25th, '-'if your
Excellency would visit this post, when at liberty, to
see if there are any alterations or further regula-
tions necessary."
But all the trouble does not come from the
enemy and the Tories. His own officers make him
some, and very foolishly. Lieutenant Dun worth,
discharged a few days before from Little's regi-
ment, had challenged Captain Talbot, of Varnum's.
A hint of the quarrel had reached Greene before-
hand, and he had already spoken to Washington of
the possibility of its coming to a challenge ; wish-
ing, however, '•' to know nothing about it," But
when the challeno-e had actuallv been sent and ac-
cepted, and he was known to have been informed
of it, he was " not a little perplexed, knowing
duelling to be against all laws, both civil and mili-
tary," and yet feeling, apparently, that the C|ues-
tion of personal courage was so involved in it that
it would be difficult to prevent it. He did prevent
it, however, though by what means I do not know,
and Talbot's life was preserved for better things.
Meanwhile his eyes still turn anxiously seaward.
At five in the afternoon of the 27th eight sail are
seen standing in for the Hook, too far off as yet to
discern what they are, but they have the look of
transports. This was Friday. Sunday, at noon, ten
more sail are descried in the offing, and next morn-
ing it is discovered that the enemy are stronger by
thirteen ships than they were at sunset. In the
1776.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 199
night signal-guns were fired, — a thing which had
never been done before ; and, after the guns, " a
considerable noise and movement of the boats was
heard." Listening, still other sounds come floating
on the damp night-air, — sounds of " confusion and
hurry." Perhaps the enemy have heard of the
fire-ships, and are peering into the darkness up the
bay, as we are down it.
Two days pass without further change. On the
evening of the 30th two ships come in late ; and
then, on the morning of the 1st of August, thirty
sail are discovered standing in for the Hook. All
through the long forenoon you might have seen
them coming grandly on, with their white sails
trimmed as none but men-of-wars-men know how to
trim them, and the black muzzles of a thousand
guns frowning sternly from their sides. At four
they are off the New Utrecht shore, and pilots
hurry down to meet them.
AVho are they? The Hessians, doubtless, and
every American feels his blood boil, and grasps his
firelock firmly, as he repeats the name. But no !
not quite yet. It is only Clinton returning from
Carolina, with Greene's future antagonist, Cornwal-
lis; returning, too, not in triumph, though still
haughty and confident.
But there is other cause for alarm. " The troops
are in general exceeding sickly, great numbers
taken down every day. If the state of the army
will admit of a reinforcement at this post, perhaps
it may be prudent. If it does not, I will do the
200 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1776.
best I can with what I have." ^ In the evening he
goes down to the Narrows, and counts the ships for
himself. From the uniforms, the troops seem to
be the guards and artillery. " If your Excellency
has leisure, perhaps it may be worth while to pay
a visit to the Narrows, and to reconnoitre and view
the fleet."
And still the eye turns towards the eastern
horizon. Twent^^-one more sail heave in sight on
the evening of the 3d. By morning eight were
in, the rest coming in. In the night '' the ene-
my's guard-boats patrolled much higher up the
bay than usual." We want "a couple of guard-
boats to patrol from Eed to Yellow Hook, across
the bay leading to Rapelj'e's," if they can be
spared from other patrolling and guarding. If
not, he will do as he will do about the reinforce-
ments, — make the best use of the means he has ;
vigilant, not rashly confiding, but with no ques-
tionings about the path of duty.
Wednesda}'', the 7th, comes. The day passes off
without chanf2:e ; but at nine in the evenino; " Col-
O ^ CD
onel Varnum reports, from Eed Hook, .... as
many as a hundred boats coming from Staten
Island to the ships, full of men." Three ships, too,
were observed going towards the Narrows, having
first taken in thirty boat-loads of soldiers. Every-
thing seems to indicate a general embarkation.
The cloud is about to burst.
Not quite yet ; but, gathering other clouds to
1 Letter of August 1.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 201
itself, and growing darker CA^ery hour, it yet hangs
with a deepening menace on the liorizon. The
three ships, with their thii'ty boat-loads of soldiers,
are still at the Narrows on the 10th. " I was at
Eed Hook this morning about three o'clock," he
writes. It is a dangerous place, with its dank,
miasma-laden air, for a man born and bred in the
pure air of Rhode Island, but it affords a sight that
almost repays the risk ; for there, in the gray
morning twilight, lies the English fleet, just within
the Narrows, — two hundred vessels in all, "seven
of the largest drawn up in a line nearly two miles
advanced of the rest," ' presenting a dim confusion
of spars and hulls at first, but which, as day ad-
vances and the mists roll away to seaward, grows
everv moment more distinct, till the masts and ris;-
ging of the nearer ships come out in mazy lines
upon the kindling sky, w^hile the great mass far-
ther down paint their dark outlines upon it like a
forest in winter, stern and bare.
Another night passes, but not silently, for the
booming of guns is heard. The Hessian fleet,
surely! Morning brings no answer; but three
ships lie at the Hook, and a large schooner, hoisting
her sails, stretches up from the watering-place to-
•wards Amboy. Last evening, too, — the evening
of the 11th, — a twenty-gun ship came up, and,
firing as she passed the Narrows, the "Admiral"
fired in return. And now four ships run down,
and cast anchor off the New Utrecht shore ; and,
1 Letter of Aaron Burr, Force, Archives, 5th Series, Vol. I. p. 887.
202 LIFE OF NATIIAN.iEL GREENE. [1776.
far off at sea, we cancount twenty-five sail more
— ships all of them, apparently, coming in as fast
as the wind can drive them through the water.
Here, then, they are, at last, these dreaded Hes-
sians, hirelings of blood and pillage ; here they
are, looking out, from those thronged decks, on our
lovely fields, and revelling already in fancy in their
work of desolation. Ah ! call them victims, rather,
poor, deluded victims, of greedy masters, — driven,
many of them, at the point of the bayonet ; lured,
some of them, by lies and misrepresentations ; and
some drawn away by the errors of an age when it
was still held honorable to sell your sword and
blood, without pausing to consider whom or what
you were to trample down. There is old De Ileis-
ter, grown gray in his bloody trade. He had
drooped during the long fourteen weeks of sea-
life, but now, as he snuffs the land breeze, his spir-
its revive, and he quaffs full glasses of his native
Ehennish to the health of his friends. Rahl is
there, with the warm blood flowing freely through
his veins at the sight of firm land and green
trees. It will flow faster still next Christmas
night, on the snows of Trenton. And Donop is
there, too ; one more year and less than three
short months, and he will faintly murmur, as the
death-film gathers in his eyes, " I die the victim of
my ambition, and of the avarice of my sovereign."
Yes, count your gold, landgraves and dukes, — thou
of Hesse-Cassel, and thou, too, of Brunswick, —
good English guineas, undipped and sound within
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 20
o
the ring ; send out into your streets and lanes, into
the roads and highways, and gather in your human
cattle for the shambles. History has taken note of
3^ou all ; and perhaps, even before your account
is given in, you will find that it is God's work
that is doing here, and you are not on his side.^
On the 14th the Hessians are seen landing on
Staten Island in great numbers ; they parade on
the beach, happy to feel solid ground under their
feet once more, and then march up the hill towards
the flagstaff; some zealous Captain Manuel, per-
haps, rejoicing in the prospect of " a steady drill."
But the weather grows thick and stormy. Nothing
is heard or seen on the 15th. Yet a passage in
to-day's orders gives Greene more uneasiness than
the enemy. Hitchcock's regiment, wdiicli has been
with him from the beginning, w^hich is so well
drilled, so carefully disciplined, Avhich keeps its
arms in such good order, which know^s the ground
so thoroughly, and has so " peculiar an attachment
to the old regiments," is to be taken from him, and
" strangers to the ground," who, if they are like
most of the troops that come over, " are undisci-
plined, and badly furnished with arms," are to take
its place. He had counted upon these men : they
and the regiments they had so " long been ac-
quainted with," who w^ere "not only attached to
each other, but to the place, .... would support
each other, in time of action," as strangers, or mere
1 For a full view of this interest- handeldeutscherFiirsten nach Amer-
ing subject, see Kapp's " Soldaten- ica."
204 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1776.
acquaintances of a clay, could not be expected to
do. "If it can possibly be dispensed with, and
absolute necessity does not require their removal,"
he would wish them to stav.
Then the militia, notwithstanding the " promise
of the lieutenantrcolonel,"' did not come in. " Should
they delay coming in any longer than this day, I
am determined not to be trifled with, and shall let
them feel my resentment by vigorous and spirited
exertions of military discipline, and those powers
with which I am invested." A part of the militia,
however, had joined him, under Colonel Smith, and
to him he had issued, on the 9th, his first marching
orders, charging him to " send out scouts and par-
ties to gain intelligence. If the enemy should
make their landing good on any part of the island,
and hear of your coming, they may send out a
party to interrupt your march. Keep good front,
flank, and rear guards, to prevent being sur-
prised."
But the " troops appear to be in exceedingly
good spirits," and he has " no doubt but that, if the
enemv should make their attack there, he would be
able to render a very good account of them." Mean-
while he is "carrying into execution the late re-
solve of Congress, respecting the removal of the
cattle, dismantling of the mills, removing the grain
already threshed, and having that which is still in
sheaf so stacked and disposed of that, in case of
an attack, it may easily be destroyed." ^
* Force, Archives, 5th Series, Vol. I. p. 967.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 205
It is true that these daybreak and evening rides
in that unwholesome air have not been taken with
impunity ; he is " confined to his bed with a raging
fever," but " hopes, through the assistance of Provi-
dence, to be able to ride, before the presence of the
enemy may make it absolutely necessary." His
aid — W. S. Livingston — writes for him the 16th,
and it may have been a comfort to him to know
that there was "no appearance of any immediate
preparation for an attack." Still the fever increases.
" I am sorry to inform your Excellency," w^rites Liv-
ingston, on the 17th, " that General Greene had a
very bad night of it, and cannot be said to be any
better this morning than he was yesterday."
William Blodo-et writes for him the next dav, and
in a more cheerful strain : "The General desires me
to acquaint your Excellency that he finds himself
considerably better this morning ; and is in hopes,
in a few days, to be able to go abroad, though still
very weak." And, rising on his pillow, Greene
writes a letter himself, about a Captain Grimes,
-who was said to have given several indications of
cowardice. On the following day a report comes
in that " five small vessels," with troops aboard, had
made their appearance at Hog Island Inlet, and two
pettyaugers off Oyster Bay, — a marauding expe-
dition in search of live-stock. He "immediately
detaches a party of horse, and two hundred and
twenty men, among them twenty rifles."
And thus the days pass on, — fever holding him
down, his strong will buoying him up, till the signs
20G LIFE OF NATHAN.VEL GREENE. [1776.
of attack become so manifest, and the danger so
imminent, that Washington is constrained to send,
first SuHivan, and then Putnam, to take his place,
Avhile he is carried over to the city. And there, in
the house of John Inglis, in the Sailors' Snug Har-
bor, on what is now the northwest corner of Broad-
way and Ninth Street, though a quiet suburban
retreat then, he lay when the battle of Long Island
was fought. It was only three or four miles from
the scene, and he could hear it all ; and his brother
Christopher, who was with him, brought him the
tidings from the field as fast as they could be gath-
ered. When he heard how hard it had fared with
Smallwood's reo-iment he burst into tears. Of all
the anxious hearts of the next forty-eight hours,
there was none more anxious than his. At last,
early in the morning, comes word that the army is
over the river, — the works, indeed, which he had
toiled so hard to make impregnable, are lost, but
men, equipage, baggage, are saved. " It was the
best effected retreat I ever read of or heard of,
considering the difficulties," he exclaimed, with
magnanimous exultation.
"Providence took me out of the way," he writes
on the .SOth. "I have been very sick for near
three weeks ; for several days there was a hard
strui^grle between nature and the disorder, I am
now a little better, though scarcely able to sit up
an hour at a time. I have no strength or appetite,
and my disorder, from its operation, appears to
threaten me with long confinement. Gracious
1776.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 207
God ! to be confined at sucli a time ! And the
misfortune is doubly great, as there was no gen-
eral officer who had made himself acquainted with
the ground as perfectly as I had. I have not the
vanity to think the event would have been other-
wise had I been there, yet I think I could have
given the commanding general a good deal of
necessary information. Great events, sometimes,
depend upon very Httle causes I think, from
this manoeuvre, the General purposes to retreat to
King's Bridge, and there make the grand stand.
.... If this is the determination, two to one
New York is laid in ashes."
CHAPTER VIII.
Condition of the Army after the Battle of Long Island. — Greene con-
valescent. — Letter to Washin<rton. — Coinu'il of War. — Unfor-
tunate Decision. — Greene urges the Call of a New Council. —
Decision reversed. — Retreat from New York. — Battle of Ilarlaem.
— Greene in Command in the Jersies. — "What was thought of him.
— His Idea of what should be done. — Preparations for Defence. —
His Opinion of Congress. — Letter to Governor Cooke. — Resolves
of Congress. — Public Opinion. — Privateering. — Hospitals. — Rec-
ommendation of Officers for the New Army. — Charles Lee.
A SICK-ROOM could not hold Greene long at
■^-^ such a time. The retreat from Long Island,
which in his judgment was a triumph of military
skill bindino; him still more firmlv to the Com-
mander-in-chief, was, for the bulk of the army, a
lucky e.'^cape, exciting only a general conviction of
their inaljility to resist so powerful an enemy. " All
is gone ; the regulars must overcome," said the
militia;^ and the militia, with new levies equally
worthless, formed more than a third of the army.
Sickness added its depressing influence to the other
causes of dejection ; a fourth of the whole army, as
the returns showed, being sick within nine days
after the retreat. It was difficult to provide com-
fortably for these sick men, with the inadequate
means of the general and regimental hospitals,
1 See Gordon, American Revolution, Vol. II. p. 324.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 209
and the incompetency in many cases, and in some
the dishonesty, of the regimental surgeons ; ^ and
many a man who would not have feared the enemy
may have felt his heart sink within him as he
helped carry a comrade to the hospital or the
grave, and thought how little it would take to re-
duce him to the same condition. Local jealousies,
too, were at work undermining the imperfect be-
ginnings of union, setting the men of one section
against the men of another section, and, what was
doubly dangerous, bringing out in full force the
natural opposition between the democratic ele-
ments of the Eastern States and the semi-aristo-
cratic elements of a portion of the Middle States.^
The officers from Pennsylvania and Maryland and
Delaware looked down with great contempt upon
the officers from Massachusetts and Connecticut and
Rhode Island, and, if not always without reason, —
for the custom of permitting the men to choose their
own officers had given many a man epaulets who
was hardly fit for the ranks, — yet often with great
injustice, for Knowlton was a Connecticut man,
and Glover a Massachusetts man, and Hitchcock
a Rhode Island man, and always with serious in-
jury to the common cause ; for how could the pri-
vates be expected to stand by each other in battle,
1 Gordon's strong statement, Vol. ^ Grajdon's Memoirs contain, per-
il, pp. 334, 335, is confirmed by the haps, the most striking expression of
correspondence of the time. One of this feeling, in which the writer him-
thera was drummed out of the army self seems to have shared largely,
for selling recommendations to fur- See also an extract from a contempo-
loughs at sixpence sterling. rary letter in Gordon, Vol. II. p. 331.
14
210 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1776.
"when the officers hated each other even more than
they hated the enemy ? Insubordination, desertion,
cowardice before the enemy, and insolence and
oppression towards their friends, were the natural
fruits of these feelings,^ heightened by the crafty
insinuations of the disaffected that the leaders
were seeking to save themselves by selling the
army to the British.^ The emergency which
Greene had foretold in his letters to John Adams
was come. Was he prepared to meet it?
We left him scarcely " able to sit up an hour at
a time," much less to walk across the room, but
already interpreting Washington's designs by his
last movement. Five da3^s pass without a record,
his strength gradually returning the while ; how
fast or how slow we know not, or by what help of
air and exercise, but so effectually that as early as
the 5th we find him at his desk again, pen in
hand, writing a letter to Washington, which presup-
poses many anxious inquiries and much anxious
thought. As yet Washington's intentions were
unknown ; no council had been summoned, no
opinions called for ; but Greene could not restrain
his feelings.
" The critical situation which the army is in," he
writes, " "will, I hope, sufficiently apologize for my troub-
ling your Excellency with this letter. The sentiments
are dictated, I am sure, by an honest mind, — a mind
which feels deeply interested in the salvation of this
1 Letter in Gordon, Vol. II. p. ^ Greene to Washington, Septem-
332. ber 5th.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 211
country, and for the honor and reputation of the General
under whom he serves.
" The object under consideration is, whether a general
and speedy retreat from this island is necessary or not.
To me it appears the only eligible plan to oppose the en-
emy successfully, and secure ourselves from disgrace. I
think we have no object on this side of King's Bridge.
Our troops are now so scattered that one part may be cut
off before the others can come to their support. In this
situation, suppose the enemy should run up the North
River several ships of force, and a number of transports
at the same time, and effect a landing between the town
and middle division of the army ; another party from
Long Island should land right opposite ; these two par-
ties form a line across the island, and intrench themselves.
The two flanks of this line could be easily supported by
the shipping; the centre, fortified with the redoubts,
would render it very difficult if not impossible to cut our
way through.
" At the time the enemy are executing this movement
or manoeuvre they will be able to make sufficient diver-
sions, if not real lodgements, to render it impossible for
the centre and upper divisions of the army to afford any
assistance here. Should this event take place (and, by
the by, I don't think it very improbable), your Excel-
lency will be reduced to that situation which every
prudent general would wish to avoid, — that is, of be-
ing obliged to fight the enemy to a disadvantage, or
submit.
" It has been agreed that the city of New York would
not be tenable if the enemy got possession of Long Island
and of Governor's Island. They are now in possession
of both these places. Notwithstanding, I think we might
hold it for some time, but the annoyance must be so great
as to render it an unfit place to hold troops in. If
212 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1776.
we should hold it, we must hold it to a great disad-
vantage.
" The city and island of New York are no objects for
us ; we are not to bring thein into competition with the
general interests of America. Part of the army already
has met with a defeat ; the country is struck with a
panic ; any capital loss at this time may ruin the cause.
'T is our business to study to avoid any considerable
misfortune, and to take post where the enemy will be
obliged to fight us, and not we them. The sacrifice of
the vast property of New York and the suburbs I hope
has no influence upon your Excellency's measures. Re-
member the King of France. When Charles the Fifth,
Emperor of Germany, invaded his kingdom, he laid
whole provinces waste, and by that policy he starved and
ruined Charles's army, and defeated him without fighting
a battle. Two thirds of the property of the city of New
York and the suburbs belongs to the Tories. We have
no very great reason to run any considerable risk for its
defence. If we attempt to hold the city and island, and
should not be able finally, we shall be wasting time
unnecessarily, and betray a defect of judgment, if no
worse misfortune attend it.
" I give it as my opinion, that a general and speedy
retreat is absolutely necessary, and that the honor and
interest of America require it. I would burn the city
and suburbs, and that for the following reasons. If the
enemy gets possession of the city, we never can recover
the possession without a superior naval force to theirs ; it
will deprive the enemy of an opportunity of barracking
their whole army together, which, if they could do,
would be a very great security. It will deprive them of
a general market ; the price of things would prove a
temptation to our people to supply them for the sake
of the gain, in direct violation of the laws of their
country.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 213
" All these advantages would result from the destruc-
tion of the city, and not one benefit can arise to us from
its preservation, that I can conceive of. If the city once
gets into the enemy's hands, it will be at their mercy
either to save or destroy it, after they have made what
use of it they think proper.
" At the retreat I would order the army to take post at
King's Bridge, and post along Westchester shore, where
barracks may be procured for that part of the army that
are without tents. I must confess I am too ignorant of
the ground to form much judgment about posting the
troops. Your Excellency's superior judgment, formed
from your own observation upon the ground, will enable
you to make a much better disposition than I can con-
ceive of.
"If my zeal has led me to say more than I ought, I
hope my good intentions may atone for the offence.
" I shall only add that these sentiments are not dic-
tated from fear, nor from any apprehension of personal
danger ; but are the result of a cool and deliberate sur-
vey of our situation, and the necessary measures to extri-
cate us from our present difficulties. I have said nothing
at all about the temper and disposition of the troops, and
their apprehensions about being sold. This is a strong
intimation that it will be difficult to get such troops to
behave with proper spirit in time of action, if we should
be attacked.
" Should your Excellency agree with me with respect
to the two first points, that is, that a speedy and general
retreat is necessary, and also that the city and suburbs
should be burned, I would advise to call a general council
upon that question, and take every general officer's opin-
ion upon it."
The same grave questions were agitating Wash-
214 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1776.
ington's own mind. " Till of late," he had written
the President of Congress on the 2d, " I had no
doubt in my own mind of defending this place ;
nor should I have yet, if the men would do their
duty ; but this I despair of .... If I should be
obliored to abandon the town, ouo-ht it to stand as
•winter quarters for the enemy ? " ^ Greene's letter
coming to him while in this mood, he called a
council of general officers on the Tth, laid the situ-
ation of the army before them, and asked their
opinion as to his future movements. Unfortunately,
an exao-o-erated importance was attached to the
CO i
preservation of New York. Congress had decided
that if the army were compelled to leave it, " no
damage " should be done it.^ Even in the army
some could not bear the idea of abandoning " the
poor city." " The very thought gives me the hor-
rors," wrote Colonel Malcolm to John McKesson,^
the day before the council met, and the feeling
was, doubtless, largely shared by the army. But,
what was far worse, it was shared by the council
also, who decided by a large majority to try to hold
the city with five thousand men, and post the rest
of the army at King's Bridge and intermediate
points. '• There were some general officers," wrote
Washington, '• in whose judgment and opinion
^ Sparks, Vol. IV. p. 72. • their leaving it ; the Congress imving
2 " Resoiced, Th.it General Wash- no doubt of being able to recover the
ington be acquainted that Congress same, though the enemy should, for a
would have especial care taken, in time, obtain possession of iu" — Jour-
case he should find it necessary to nals of Congress, September 3, 1776.
qnit New York, that no damage be * Force, Archives, 5ih Series, Vol.
done to said city by his troops, on II. p. 197.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 215
much confidence is to be placed, that were for a
total and immediate removal from the city
But they were overruled by a majority." ^ What
Washington himself thought is evident from the
tone of this last paragraph.
Greene left the council-room with a heav}'' heart,
but by no means disposed to accept the decision as
final, without another attempt to open the eyes of
his colleag-ues to their danarer. It was a delicate
thing for the lowest major-general on the list to
ask a reconsideration of the decision of a full board
of general officers, and it was a still more delicate
thing to collect the opinions of subordinates upon
a question already discussed and determined by
superiors. No man's ideas were more decided than
his as to the imperative duty of subordination in an
army ; and in this taking counsel against a council
there was something that looked very much like in-
subordination. But this was no time for personal
considerations, or a scrupulous adherence to form
and precedent ; and after consulting some of the
field-officers, he put into Washington's hands on
the 11th a petition for a second council, signed by
Nixon, Mifflin, Beall, Parsons, Wadsworth, and Scott;
his own name standing at the head as the only
major-general on the list.^
This was all that Washington waited for ; and
immediately summoning a council for the next day
at General McDougall's head-quarters, the decision
1 Sparks, Vol. IV. pp. 84, 85.
2 Force, American Archives, 5th Series, Vol. II. p.'326.
216 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1776.
of the first council was reversed with onl}' three
dissenting voices, — Spencer, Clinton, and Heath.
Eiii-ht thousand men were to be left " for the de-
fence of Mount Washington and its dependencies." ^
Every nerve was now strained to remove the
stores and baggage, and convey the sick to a place
of greater security. But eight precious days had
already been lost. On Sunday, the 15th, Howe
landed between Kips's and Turtle Bay ; and in the
" miserable and disorderly retreat " which followed
Washington's invaluable life was imperilled by the
cowardice of Parsons's and Fellows's brigades ; and
Putnam, with three thousand five hundred men,
was barely saved from capture, by the '• cakes and
wine " of Mrs. Murray.'^ " Are these the men with
whom I am to save America ? " cried Washington,
in the bitterness of his heart.^ But in the fore-
noon of the next day, a skirmish of outposts
gradually swelling to the proportions of a battle,
the Americans drove the British from three suc-
cessive positions, and withdrew, at last, volunta-
rily, in order to prevent the. engagement from
becoming general. It was Greene's first close
fight ; and though he had no command in it, he
went into it, with Putnam and Reed, for example's
sake, and " fought hard." ^ Great was the exulta-
1 Force, ut sup., pp. 329, 330. * Greene to Governor Cooke, Sep-
' Gordon, American Revolution, tember 17, speaks of "the spirited
Vol. II. pp. 327, 328; Greene to conduct of General Putnam and Col-
Governor Cooke, September 17 ; one! lioed," without alludiii}^ to his
Ramsav, American Revolution, Vol. own share in the fight ; but in a let-
I. p 306 ; Thatcher, Military Journal, ter to Colonel II. Lee, February 18,
p. 59. 1782, he says, " I fought hard at Ilar-
8 Heath. lem."
1776.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 217
tion of the Americans at this proof that the Brit-
ish could still be made to run, and the Hessians
too. But D;reat and sincere was the mournino- over
the gallant Knowlton, who could ill be spared by
an army which, amid its many wants, wanted most
of all officers like him, whom it could look up to
with respect and follow with confidence.
From the first appearance of the enemy in the
waters of New York, no pains had been spared to
secure New Jersey and the communications with
Philadelphia. A flying camp had been established,
the militia called out, and works thrown up at im-
portant points. Especial importance had been at-
tached to Fort Constitution, on the Palisades,*
which, it was hoped, would, with Fort Washington,
on the opposite bank of the Hudson, effectually
command the passage of the river, and thus secure
both the country above and the crossings at the
ferries. General Mercer and General Livingston
had been active in all these measures, and much
was justly expected from their intelligence and
zeal. But the day after the fight at Harlem,
Greene was ordered over to take command in the
Jerseys, with his head-quarters at Fort Constitution.
His detachment was composed of three brigades,
— Nixon's, Clinton's, and Irvine's, — and two regi-
ments,— Bradley's and Dey's, — the last of them
militia, forming a total, on the 29th of September,
of three thousand five hundred and twenty-one,
rank and file, present and fit for duty, out of a
body of five thousand seven hundred and seven.
1 Washington to Mercer, September 3, Sparks, Vol. IV. p. 75.
218 LIFE OF NATII.\>'AEL GREENE. [1776.
It was a position of great responsibility, imply-
ing a confidence highly flattering to his feelings,
and a well-earned reward of the zeal he had dis-
phned from his first entrance into the army.
" You have a very just idea of Greene's impor-
tance,'' writes Tench Tilghman, one of Washing-
ton's own staff, who was watching him from head-
quarters, to William Duer, who was watching him
from Fishkill, as a member of the Convention's
Committee of Correspondence ; '' he is, beyond
doubt, a first-rate military genius, and one in
whose opinions the General places the utmost con-
fidence.^ He is so near us that he can give every
assistance in the way of advice ; and, should the
euenw relinquish their plan against the Jersey side,
he can also be spared to attend in time of action."
" I remember," says Colonel Pickering, " that, as I
was passing the night at Providence, on my way to
New York, with my regiment, in 1776, the conver-
sation turned upon the possibility of Washington's
being killed, and who, in case of such a misfortune,
was best qualified to take his place. Greene, it
was acknowledged by all, was the proper man." ^
Everj^thing now depended upon being able to
" make a stand " before the enemy, and keep them
at bav, or at least so far retard their advance as to
draw out the campaign without giving them an
opportunity to strike another blow like that of
Long Island. " I think," Greene writes to Governor
1 Force, American Archives, 5th '^ Pickering MSS.
Series, Vol. II. p. 870.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 219
Cooke, on the 17th, "and so does his Excellency,
that the operations of the campaign will have no
effect upon you, as it will be impossible for the
enemy to detach any part of the army while our
army is able to make any stand. I would not
evacuate one foot of ground (in Rhode Island), as
it will tend to encourage the enemy, and dispirit
our people."
In the Jerseys, as on Long Island, his task was
one of sleepless watchfulness. " The enemy are
landed at Powley's Hook," he writes from " Camp
Fort Constitution " on the 23d. " They came up this
afternoon, and began a cannonade on the batteries,
and, after cannonading for half an hour, or a little
more, they landed a party from the ships. Gen-
eral Mercer had ordered off from the Hook all the
troops, except a small guard, who had orders to
evacuate the place from the first approach of the
enemy. General Mercer mentions no troops but
those landed from the ships, but Colonel Bull, and
many others that were along the river upon the
heights, saw twenty boats go over from New York
to Powley's Hook. This movement must have
happened since General Mercer wrote. I propose
visiting Bergen to-night, as General Mercer thinks
of going to his post at Amboy to-morrow. I pur-
pose to detain him one day longer."
On examining the position, he determined to
hold it a few days longer, pushing forward his
advanced guard " to a mill just back of Powley's
Hook." But early in October he decided to evac-
220 LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. [1776.
uate Bergen also ; " a measure," says a letter of the
time, " which will first be condemned and after-
wards approved." ^ And thus, by the 5th of Octo-
ber, he found himself with his troops collected, and
equally prepared to meet an attack on his own
side of the river, or go to Washington's assistance,
if needed, on the other side.
It was one of the trials of his situation, as well as
of AYashington's, that his confidence in the wisdom
and justice of Congress had been fatally impaired.
The mistakes of the first year might have been at-
tributed to inexperience and novelty of position ;
but they had all been carefulh^ repeated in the
second year, and the campaign was again wearing
away without any adequate provision for the fu-
ture. He could not see these things without deep
anxiety ; but it was an anxiety free from any doubt
about the issue of the contest, for he knew the re-
sources of the country, he knew the character of
the people, and he was confident that if those re-
sources were properly drawn out, and that charac-
ter wisely used, England would be compelled to
yield.
" I apprehend," he says, in a private letter of the 28th,
" the several retreats that have lately taken place begin
to make you think all is lost. Don't he frightened ;
our cause is not yet in a desperate state. Tlie policy of
Congress has been tiie most absurd and ridiculous im-
aginable, pouring in militia-men who come and go every
month. A military force established upon such princi-
1 Force, American Archives, 5th Series, Vol. II. p. 867.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 221
pies defeats itself. People coming from home with all
the tender feelings of domestic life are not sufficiently-
fortified witli natural courage to stand the shocking scenes
of war. To march over dead men, to liear without con-
cern the groans of the wounded, — I say few men can stand
such scenes, unless steeled by habit or fortified by military
pride.
" There must be a good army established ; men engaged
for the war ; a proper corps of officers ; and then, after a
proper time to discipline the men, everything is to be
exp'i-^d.
"The Congress goes upon a penurious plan. The
present pay of the officers will not support them, and it is
generally determined by the best officers to quit the ser-
vice, unless a more adequate provision is made for their
support. The present establishment is not tliought repu-
table.
" The Congress has never furnished the men voted by
near one half, certainly by above a third. Had we had
numbers we need not have retreated from Long Island or
New York. But the extent of ground to guard rendered
the retreat necessary ; otherwise the army would have
been ruined by detachments. The enemy never could
have driven us from Long Island and New York if our
rear had been secured. We must have an army to meet
the enemy everywhere ; to act offensively as well as de-
fensively. Our soldiers are as good as ever were ; and
were the officers half as good as the men, they would beat
any army on the globe of equal numbers." ^
When these lines were written a committee of
Congress was already in camp, " to make inquiry
into the condition of the army, and agree upon the
necessary augmentation." " The general officers,"
1 Extract from a private letter. Sept. 28, 1776.
222 LIFE OF NATIIA^^VEL GREENE. [[1776.
savs Heath on the 26th, "were in council with a
committee of Congress." And on the 27th, says
the same somewhat meagre but still valuable diary,
" the council sat again." -^ The result was a resolu-
tion to raise a new army without delay.
" The Congress," Greene writes a friend in Rhode Isl-
and on the 3d of October, " have ordered eighty-eight
regiments to be raised for the war. This looks well.
For God's sake let us have good officers from Rhode
Island, if you wish to preserve its reputation. We want
nothing but good officers to constitute as good an army as
ever marched into the field. Our men are infinitely liet-
ter than the officers. I do not speak of Rhode Island offi-
cers, for they are generally good, and behaved exceeding
well in the late action. They did themselves a great deal
of honor. I shall send a list to the Governor of such as
deserve a preference. I think you may officer your regi-
ment as well as any on the continent, if you will consult
nothing but the merit of the man."
And, writing to Governor Cooke, on the 11th : —
" His Excellency General Washington will transmit you
a list of officers, to constitute the two new regiments to
be raised by your State. The most of those officers are
gentlemen whose conduct has been approved by those
under wliom they have served. The success of the cause,
the defeat of the enemy, the honor of the State, and the
reputation of the army, altogether depends upon the es-
tablishing a good core, or corps of officers. My little ex-
perience has fully convinced me that, without more
attention is paid by the different States in the appoint-
ment of the officers, the troops never will answer their
1 Heath, Memoirs, p. 66.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 223
expectations. I hope, as everything that is dear and
valuable is at stake, that no popular prejudices nor family-
connection will influence the House in the appointment
of the officers for the new army. I am sensible that
America has as good material to form an army as any
state in the world ; but without a good set of officers, the
troops will be little better than a lawless banditti, or an
ungovernable mob. The Americans possess as much
natural bravery as any people upon earth, but habit must
form the soldier. He who expects men brought from the
tender scenes of domestic life can meet danger and death
with a becoming fortitude is a stranger to the human
heart.
" There is nothing that can get the better of that active
principle of self-preservation, but a proper sentiment of
pride, or being often accustomed to danger. As the prin-
ciple of pride is not predominant enough in the minds of
the common soldiery, the force of habit must be called
in to its aid, to get the better of our natural fears, ever
alarmed at the approach of danger.
" There has been, it must be confessed, some shameful
conduct in this army this campaign, in a great measure
owing to the bad conduct of the officers. I have neither
seen nor heard of one instance of cowardice among the
old troops, where they had good officers to lead them on.
In the last action, every regiment behaved with a becom-
ing spirit, especially Colonel Hitchcock's and Colonel Var-
num's. I don't wish to see an officer in the army but such
as has a regard for their reputation, who feels a sentiment
of honor, and is ambitious of distinguishing himself.
Such will answer the public expectation, and be an honor
to the State that sent him.
" Colonel Varuum, from the treatment he has met with
from Congress, has taken the resolution of leaving the
army. The Colony are generally acquainted with his
224 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1776.
abilities, (so) that lie stands in no need of a recommenda-
tion. Perhaps the House may think proper to re-elect
him, and give him the opportunity to refuse the appoint-
ment, as a compliment due to his party services. Colonel
Cornwell and Colonel Cearey, you '11 observe, are both left
out in the general arrangement. They were both in the
late action, and behaved exceeding well ; but as there is a
reduction of regiments, 'tis not possible to accommodate
the whole, and there is a preference given by tiie under
officers, though they have never been consulted upon this
occasion. His Excellency has put down only such as
appears deserving, without consulting them upon the sub-
ject to know whether they would serve or not. The
House will appoint such and so many of those recom-
mended as they shall think proper, and fill the vacancies
of their own choice ; but I hope there will be none in the
arrangement but men of merit.
" The several retreats and evacuations that have taken
place this campaign, without doubt has alarmed the fear
of the timid, and aroused their apprehension of an ap-
proaching ruin. The source of these misfortunes have
originated from several causes. The strength of the
enemy far exceeded the expectations of Congress ; the late
season that they attempted to call in a reinforcement to
our aid, the many delays that took place among the differ-
ent States in furnishing their proportion, protracted the
time of collecting the forces together to such a degree that,
when the enemy had their whole strength together, ours,
in different detachments, were very far inferior to tiieirs.
With a force inferior to the enemy in number, with troops
that were mostly raw and undisciplined, with young and
ignorant officers, what could be expected against old, ex-
perienced officers, with veteran troops to command, short
of what has taken place, especially when you take in the
idea of the extent of ground we had to guard, and the
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 225
assistance the enemy received from their ships, owing
to the situation of the posts we occupied ? The militia
has come and gone in such shoals that his Excellency-
could never tell scarcely two days together the strength
he had at any one post.
"If the different States complete the establishment
agreeable to the resolves of Congress, and the troops
come well officered (for on that the whole depends), I
have not the least doubt in my own mind but that in a
few months we shall be able to seek the enemy instead of
they us. I know our men are more than equal to theirs ;
and were our officers equal to our men, we should have
nothing to fear from the best troops in the world. I do
not mean to derogate from the worth and merit of all the
officers in tlie army. We have many that are in the ser-
vice deserving of the highest applause, and has served
with reputation and honor to themselves and the State
that sent them ; and I am happy to have it to say that
the Rhode Island regiments hitherto are amongst this
number."
John Hancock, too, communicates the " resolves "
to the General Assembly of Rhode Island in a
letter of the 9th : —
" The enclosed resolves, which I transmit in obedience
to the commands of Congress, will inform you of the
ample provision they have made for the support of both
officer and soldier who shall enter the service during the
war. The pay of the former is considerably increased ;
and the latter is to receive annually a complete suit of
clothes, or, in lieu thereof, the sum of twenty dollars
should he provide the suit for himself. This additional
encouragement, besides the twenty-dollar bounty and one
hundred acres of land formerly granted, the Congress
15
226 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [177«.
expect will be the means of engaging the troops to serve
during the war." ^
But " there is a material difference," wrote Wash-
ington, " between voting battalions and raising
men."^ The enthusiasm with which the war
began had been materially dampened by hard-
ships, disappointments, and reverses. Men no
longer felt implicit confidence in the wisdom of
Congress. There were already serious doubts
about public credit, and the paper money which
was putting it to so severe a test. Individual
interests were fast resuming their control, and
gaining a fatal supremacy over that devotion to
the general interest with which the war began.
Men of capital were thinking again of their specu-
lations and investments ; and the laborers, both in
town and country, the mechanics and farmers, men
by whom the ranks of the army should have been
filled, were looking enviously upon the sudden
gains of privateersmen, and the apparent ease with
which large fortunes were made with little work.
" The officers," wrote Lee, " and indeed it must
necessarily be so, are of opinion that nothing im-
pedes the recruiting of the army so much as the
present rage for privateering ; that, unless this is in
some measure checked, it is in vain to expect any
success."^ Indeed, it was difficult even for the
officers to look at these sudden fortunes without
1 Bartlett, R. I. Records, Vol. VIII. » Lee to Governor Cooke, Bartlctt,
p. 31. R. I. Records, Vol. VIII. p. 55.
2 Sparks, Vol. IV. p. 131.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 227
remembering that they also had families to pro-
vide for. " This fall," writes Greene in the letter
from which I just now quoted, " is the golden har-
vest. I think the fishing-ships at the eastward
may be objects of attention this fall. In the
spring, the East India ships may be intercepted on
the coast of Africa. Were I at liberty, I think
that I could make a fortune for my family. But it
is necessary for some to be in the field to secure
the property of others in their stores."
Another subject that weighed heavily upon his
mind at this period was the condition of the sick ;
for here, as on Long Island, there were serious dif-
ferences between the general hospital and the
regimental hospitals, and the consequences fell
heavily upon the poor soldier. After struggling
with it awhile, he laid the whole matter before
Congress in a letter of the 10th of October, to the
President : —
" The sick of the army, who are under the care of the
regimental surgeon, are in a most wretched condition ;
the surgeons being without the least article of medicine
to assist Nature in her efforts for the recovery of health.
There is no circumstance that strikes a greater damp
upon the spirits of the men who are yet well tlian the
miserable condition the sick are in. They exhibit a
spectacle shocking to human feelings, and, as the knowl-
edge of their distress spreads through the country, will
prove an insurmountable obstacle to the recruiting the
new army.
" Good policy as well as humanity, in my humble
opinion, demands the immediate attention of Congress
228 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1776.
upon this subject, that the evil may be sought out, and
the grievance redressed. Tiie sick in the army are too
numerous to be all accommodated on the contracted plan
of the general hospital. The Director-General says he
has no authority by his commission to supply the demand
of the regimental sick ; and, the general hospital being
too small to accommodate much more than one lialf, the
remainder lies without any means of relief than the value
of the rations allowed to every soldier. Many hundreds
are now in this condition, and die daily for want of
proper assistance ; by which means the army is robbed of
many valuable men at a time when a reinforcement is so
exceedingly necessary. Both officers and men join in one
general complaint, and are greatly disgusted at this evil,
which has prevailed so long. Some measures should be
taken to justify the Director-General, or to empower the
Commander-in-chief to qualify him, to furnish the regi-
mental surgeons, under the direction of the colonel of
the regiment, with such supplies as the state of the sick
may demand.
" Great complaints have been made that the regimental
surgeons abuse their trust, and embezzle the regimental
stores committed to their care ; this, among others, is a
reason urged why the regimental sick suffer as they do.
The surgeons, it has been said, cannot be trusted with the
necessary stores.
" Whether this complaint be well or ill founded, I am
not a judge of; perhaps in some few instances it may have
been the case, but I am far from thinking they are de-
serving the charge in general ; besides which, the injury
arising from a few abuses of this kind, were they even
more common, is trifling compared with that which the
army and public suffers in the present state of things.
" The Director-General complains of the want of medi-
cine, and says his stocks are but barely sufficient for the
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 229
general hospital. I can see no reason, either from policy
or humanity, that the stores for the general hospital
should be preserved for contingencies which may never
happen, and the present regimental sick left to perish for
want of proper necessaries. It is wholly immaterial, in
my opinion, either to the States or the army, whether a
man dies in the general or regimental liospital.
" The platform of the general hospital should be large
enough to receive all the sick that are unfit to continue in
quarters, or else to supply the regimental hospitals with
such medicines and necessaries as the state of the sick
requires.
" P. S. I do not mean to censure the conduct of the
Director-General, nor to complain of his activity ; but I
mean to point out the defect of the present establishment,
and to sliow the necessity of giving the Director some fur-
ther power, and much more assistance, to enable him to
supply the numerous wants."
But already, the day before this letter was writ-
ten, Congress had resolved, —
" That no regimental hospitals be, for the future, al-
lowed in the neighborhood of the general hospital.
" That John Morgan, Esq., provide and superintend an
hospital, at a proper distance from the camp, for the army
posted on the east side of Hudson's River.
" That William Shippen, Jr., Esq., provide and super-
intend an hospital for the army in the State of New Jersey.
" Tliat each of the hospitals be supplied by the respec-
tive directors with such a number of surgeons, apotheca-
ries, surgeon's mates, and other assistants, and also such
quantities of medicines, beddings, and other necessaries, as
they shall judge expedient."
Weekly returns to Congress and to the Com-
230 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1776.
mander-in-chief were also ordered, and the regi-
mental surgeons directed to send to the general
hospital such of their sick as required " nurses or
constant attendance," and also " to apply to the
directors in their respective departments for medi-
cines and other necessaries,"^ On the loth, when
Greene's letter was read, it was referred to the
Medical Committee.
But the subject which recurred oftenest to his
mind in these anxious days was the new army, and
more especially the choice of officers. Governor
Cooke, on receiving the call of Congress for Rhode
Island's quota of two battalions, wrote to Wash-
ington for a list of the officers whom he wished to
recommend for promotion, and to Greene to "give
every information and assistance relating to it in
his power." ^
" The anxiety I felt for the honor of the State," writes
Greene on the l(3th from Washington's head-quarters,
" and the good of the cause, made me anticipate your
wishes relative to recommendations.
" I had made a collection of the officers belonging to the
tliree Rhode Island regiments, and delivered it in to liis
Excellency General Washington, to be forwarded to your
State. That recommendation and arrangement of officers
is the best that I could make or recommend to the General,
all circumstances considered. The State will act their
pleasure with respect to the appointment. The General
only wishes to have good men, such as will discharge their
duty in every point of view, and maintain the character of
1 Journals of Congress, Wcdnes- ^ Bartlett, R. I. Records, Vol. VIII.
day, Oct. 9, 1776. pp. 30, .31.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 231
gentlemen ; he has no attachment to any person farther
than his merit recommends him. Men of merit he wishes
to be appointed, whether in or out of the army."
Greene's recommendation, when it was made
known a few weeks later, " threw the officers," if
Lee may be trusted, " into a great flame of discon-
tent They accused him of partiality to his
connections and townsmen, to the prejudice of men
of manifestly superior merit." -^ But as his only
connections in the army were his brother-in-law,
William Littlefield, the captain of his guard, whom
he recommended for a lieutenancy, and who, after
serving honorably through the war, was retained
on the peace establishment long after its close ;
and Christopher Greene and Samuel Ward, who
had already distinguished themselves by their at-
tention to the instruction and discipline of their
men in the camp before Boston, and their fortitude
and intrepidity in the expedition against Quebec,
and became still more distinguished, in the autumn
of the following year, by their gallant defence of
Red Bank, — his family attachments had a very nar-
row field to act in, and were fully justified by the
character of their objects. And as this part of the
accusation was so utterly unfounded, it is not un-
reasonable to suppose that there was no better
foundation for the other. Lee's letter was written
three days after the fall of Fort Washington, when,
judging by his own standard, he may have sup-
1 Lee to Washington, Sparks's Correspondence of the Revolution, Vol.
L p. 306.
232 LIFE OF NATII.\>'AEL GREENE. [1776.
posed Wasliington's confidence in Greene's judg-
ment to have been materially shaken, and, following
his own bad instincts, may not have been unwilling
to extend the unfavorable opinion to Greene's
motives. lie had returned from the South, on the
14th of October, with a head dizzy with success,
and a heart rankling with jealousy. During the
few hours that he had passed at Fort Constitution,
on his way to head-quarters, he had found time to
write — at Greene's desk, perhaps — a letter to
Gates, condemning the position of the army as
" execrable " ; calling Congress " cattle, that stum-
ble every step " ; blaming Washington for not
threatening them with resignation for their inter-
ference with the army ; and calling loudl}'- for a
separate army upon the Delaware, or, in other
words, an independent command for himself.^ In
September, an officer had wTitten from New York,
" General Lee is hourly expected, as if from heaven,
with a le2:ion of flamino- swordsmen." " You ask,"
writes Tilghman to Duer in October, "if General
Lee is in health, and if our people feel bold. I
answer both in the affirmative. His appearance
among us has not contributed a little to the
latter." ^ Four daj's after his arrival, the name
of Fort Constitution was changed to Fort Lee,
in commemoration of his successful defence of
Charleston. Lee was not the man, either in
heart or in head, to listen to such admiration long
1 Force, American Archives, 5th ^ Force, u< sup., pp. 197-1095.
Series, Vol. II. pp. 1008, 1034.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 233
without conceiving unfounded hoj)es, even if he did
not form unwarrantable designs. But, whatever
the nature or extent of his wishes may have been,
he looked upon this as a fsxvorable moment for
aiming a blow at Greene, and seized it with char-
acteristic malevolence.
I am anticipating events by a few weeks : but, to
make an end of this unpleasant part of my narrative,
I will add now, that Lee was greatly deceived in
his calculations. Washington's confidence, not easily
won, was still less easily shaken ; and the Legisla-
ture of Rhode Island, accepting his recommenda-
tion, appointed the officers whom Greene had
selected. Varnum, as he had suggested, was com-
plimented with a renewal of his commission, and,
not long after, being appointed to a brigade, left
the colonelcy of his battalion vacant, as had been
originally intended, for his old Major of the Army
of Observation, Christopher Greene.
CHAPTER IX.
Howe in Motion. — Greene to Washington. — Expedition to Staten
Island. — Called to Council at Head-quarters. — Letters, and Ex-
tracts from Letters. — Foreshadowings of the Quartermaster-Gen-
eral.— Greene's Troops. — The Passage of the Hudson. — Letters
to Cons:ress and General Mifflin.
D
TT seemed very strange then, and seems very
^ foolish now, that Sir William Howe, after taking
possession of New York, on the loth of September,
should have waited till the 12th of October before
he again put his army in motion. " Our army are
now so strongly fortified, and so much out of the
command of the shipping, we have little more to
fear this campaign," writes Greene. With a well-
organized army, this would have been true ; but
public opinion in England demanded another vic-
tory ; and Howe, with forces superior in numbers,
equipments, and discipline, was determined to win
it. Could he get in the rear of the Americans,
and cut off their retreat, they would be compelled
either to fight at a disadvantage, or lay down their
arms. A trial of skill was evidently at hand, and
perhaps a trial of strength also. Greene longed
for a part in the struggle. " I am informed," he
writes on the 12th at five in the afternoon, "a large
body of the enemy's troops have landed at Frogg's
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 235
Point. If SO, I suppose that the troops here will
be wanted there. I have three brigades in readi-
ness to reinforce you. General Clinton's brigade
will march first, General Nixon's next, and then the
troops under command of General Roberdeau. I
don't apprehend any danger from this quarter at
present. If the force on your side are insufficient,
I hope these three brigades may be ordered over,
and I with them, and leave General Irvine's brig-
ade to guard the post. If the troops are wanted
over 3'our side, or likely to be, in the morning, they
should be got over in the latter part of the night,
as the shipping may move up from below, and im-
pede, if not totally stop, the troops from passing.
I wait your Excellency's further commands. Should
be glad to know where the enemy has landed, and
their numbers." " The bearer will be put imme-
diately over the ferry," says an indorsement on the
envelope, signed " W. Blodget, Aide-de-ccmij)."
Part of the troops were called over, but Greene
was not ; and, unwilling to remain an inactive spec-
tator of the contest, he undertook to alarm the
British General for the safety of his posts on Staten
Island. " The tents on Staten Island have been all
struck, as far as discovery has been made," he says
in a postscript to his letter of the 12th; and, act-
ing upon this, he planned an attack upon the post
at Richmond with a detachment of Mercer's men,
and was already within a few miles of it by eleven
in the evening of the 15th, when orders from
Washington reached him, calling him immediately
236 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. L1776.
to Harlem. Mercer held on towards the enemy,
and succeeded m surprising a party, and securing
twenty prisoners. " Well-disciplined troops," he
writes, " would have taken the whole, without the
loss of a man." ^
The cause of Greene's sudden summons to head-
quarters was the council which had been called for
the next day — the IGth — at Lee's quarters. This
is the council in which it was determined, after
" much consideration and debate," and with only
one dissenting voice, — Clinton's, — to evacuate
York Island, but " retain Fort Washing^ton as lono:
as possible." Greene, as the official minutes show/
was not present at the council, and could not,
therefore, have taken that part in the discussion
which Gordon attributes to him.^ At what time
he reached head-quarters is uncertain ; but on the
17th he writes from thence to Governor Cooke,
" General Howe has landed at Frogg's Point, a
place a few miles east of Hell Gate ; he is collect-
ing his force together at that place, with a view to
cut off our retreat. His Excellency is making an
arrangement to counteract him. The troops ap-
pear to be in good spirits ; and I am in hopes, if
Howe attacks us, he will meet with a defeat. A
battle is daily — nay, hourly — expected. I shall
come in for no share of the honor or glory of the
day if victorious, nor shame or disgrace if defeated,
1 Force, American Archives, 5th ' Gordon, American Revolution,
Series, Vol. II. pp. 107.3-1093. Vol. II. p. 338.
' See Minutes, in Force, ut sup.,
p. 1117.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 237
my command being in New Jersey. Howe's de-
signs, evidently, appear to be to get in our rear to
cut off our supplies, and starve the army out.
This reduces us to the necessity of extending our
left wing out in the country, to preserve our com-
munications with the country from whence we get
our support. A few days may produce some events
important to the American interest. I was on
Staten Island night before last; the greater part
of the British troops and the Hessians are drawn
off to support General Howe's operations at Frogg's
Point."
An incident, trifling in itself, but interesting as
illustrative of the times, shows that he was at his
own quarters again some time in the course of the
17th. William Bradford, Adjutant of Hitchcock's
regiment, had brought off from Long Island " at
very great risk," a horse belonging to Jacob
Wycoff, an avowed Tory ; and which, but for Brad-
ford's energy, would have ftillen into the hands of
the enemy. What was to be done with the horse,
and how was the Adjutant to be rewarded? "As
property belonging to Tories is not, nor ought not
to be, the reward of those that takes it into pos-
session, only under certain limitations," Greene
writes to the New York Convention on the 17th,
" I think it my duty to acquaint you that I have
the horse in my possession, and shall be deliv-
ered to your order, either to the Adjutant, as a
reward for his bravery, or to be sold for the
benefit of the State, as you may think proper. If
238 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1776.
the horse is to be sold, I should be glad of an
opportunity to purchase him, as I am in want of a
horse, mine being -worn out in the service." The
Convention requested him to have the horse ap-
praised, and keep him " in your service until some
future determination of the Convention, or future
Legislature of this State, relative to the disposition
of the property of all such persons as have or
hereafter may join the enemy that may fall into
our hands. The bravery of the Adjutant will then
also be considered." ^
When Washington selected Greene for the com-
mand which controlled his communications with
the seat of government, he evidently felt the ne-
cessity of having a man in it whom he could call
upon with confidence for other duties besides those
of watching the enemy or leading men to battle.
New duties — shadows from the Quartermaster-
General's department — begin to fall upon his path.
" I was at head-quarters near King's Bridge with his
Excellency General Washington last night," he writes the
President of Congress on the 20th, from Camp Fort Lee
(lately Fort Constitution), " and, on leaving him, was de-
sired to send by express to acquaint you that the army are
in great want of a large supply of cartridges, which no
person can be spared to make ; therefore he requests that
you will order all that are now made up at Philadelphia
to be sent forward in light wagons that can travel with
great despatch, as they are really very much wanted ; and,
as none can be made up here, that persons be employed
1 Force, American Archives, 5th Series, Vol. III. p. 251.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 239
at Philadelphia to continue at that business to furnish a
full supply for the army.
" Mr. Commissary Lowry is in great want of a supply
of salt, which he begs may be sent to Trenton, to enable
him to furnish provisions for the army at King's Bridge,
which are much wanted, and the supplies from Con-
necticut may shortly be cut off; and I have great reason
to apprehend the evil will soon take place, if not wholly,
in part. The article of salt is essentially necessary, and
must be procured if possible. Fresh provisions cannot be
passed over without great difficulty, and' the state of
health of the troops, from a laxed habit, requires a supply
of salt. Mr. Lowry mentions the Council of Safety of
Pennsylvania having a quantity."
Congress responds promptly to the call.
" Enclosed you have a copy," he writes to Washington
on the 24th, " of the letter in answer to mine to Congress
relative to cartridges. As soon as the cartridges come
up, they shall be forwarded. Colonel Biddle has written
to Amboy for ninety thousand that are at that post.
" We have collected all the wagons in our power, and
sent over. Our people have had extreme hard duty.
The common guards, common fatigue, and the extraor-
dinary guards and extraordinary fatigue, for the removal
of the stores and forwarding the provisions, has kept every
man on duty.
" General Putnam requested a party of men to rein-
force them at Mount Washington. I sent between two
and three hundred of Colonel Durkee's regiment. Please
to inform me whether your Excellency approves thereof.
" We shall get a sufficient quantity of provisions over
to-day for the garrison at Fort Washington. General
Mifflin thinks it not advisable to pull the barracks down
240 LIFE OF NATUAX^VEL GREENE. [1776.
yet. He has hopes of our army returning to that ground
for winter quarters. ^ I think this would be running too
great a risk to leave them standing in expectation of such
an event, tiiere being several strong fortifications in and
about King's Bridge. If the enemy should throw in
a thousand or fifteen hundred men, they could cut off our
communication effectually ; and, as the state of the bar-
racks are, they would find exceeding good cover for the
men. But if we were to take tiie barracks down, if
the boards were not removed, it would in a great meas-
ure deprive them of that advantage. However, I have
not had it in my power to do either as yet.
" I have directed all the wagons that are on the other
side to be employed in picking up the scattered boards
about the encampments. I believe, from what I saw yes-
terday in riding over the ground, tiiey will amount to
many thousands. As soon as we have got these together,
I purpose to begin upon the barracks. In the mean time
should be glad to know if your Excellency has any other
orders to give respecting the business.
" I have directed the Commissary and Quartermaster-
General of this department to lay in provisions and prov-
ender upon the back road to Philadelphia, for twenty
thousand men for three months. The principal magazine
will be at Aquackanonck. I shall fortify it as soon as
possible, and secure that post and the passes to the bridge,
which is now repaired, and fit for an army to pass over
with the baggage and artillery.
*' I rejoice to hear of the defeat of that vile traitor, Major
Rogers, and his party of Tories, though I am exceeding
1 "I found little Mifflin," said Lee army still in the field ! Go set fire
to Wilkinson, " exulting in the pros- to those you have built, and get away
pect of fine winter quarters at King's by the lijrlit, or Sir William Howe
Bridge. I replied to him: ' W'iriUr will f.nl quarters for you.'" — Wil-
quartcrs here, Sir? and the British kin.son's Memoirs, Vol. I. p. 103.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 241
sorry to hear it lost us so brave an officer as Major
Greene."
Bear in mind, as you read these details about
scattered boards, and find him so attentive to little
things, how sorely our army was suffering for want
of suitable arms and covering, and see, as you will
further on, how the public property was scattered
and lost, and you will feel the importance as well
as the rarity of this watchfulness. Henceforth his
life is filled with such thino-s ; one great care with a
multitude of lesser cares grouped around it. Ob-
serve, too, how carefully he reports every measure
to Washington for approval or correction.
His own force on the 26th amounted to two
thousand one hundred and forty-six men of all
arms, present and fit for duty. Irvine's was the
only one of his original brigades that was left him ;
Eoberdeau's having taken the place of Nixon's and
Clinton's, and McCallister's and Cloty's regiments
that of Bradley's and Dey's. These, too, were days
of intense anxiety ; and long and frequent were his
gazings, from his lookout on the crest of the Pali-
sades, up and down the broad and deep river that
flowed at their feet, and on the imperilled works
that crowned its eastern bank. As the British
army advanced, the " Whig families were seen hur-
rying unprotected before them, with their clothing
and a scanty supply of provisions, to seek shelter
for the coming winter, they knew not where." ^
Sights like these were harder to bear than the hor-
1 Tompkins's Address, in Bolton's " Westchester," Vol. II. p. 373.
16
242 LIFE OF NATUANAEL GREENE. [1776.
rors of the battle-field, for they met the eye when
the blood was cool, and the mhid free to take note
of them in all their painful reality.
Meanwhile his own regular work went steadily
on. Soon after the opening of the campaign, ef-
forts had been made to close the passage of the
river by means of chevaux-de-frise and sunken
vessels. " I am fully of opinion," wrote Washington
on the 8th of September, " that by the establishing
of strong posts at Mount Washington, on the upper
part of this island, and on the Jersey side opposite
to it, with the assistance of the obstructions already
made, and which may be improved in the water,
not only the navigation of Hudson's River, but
an easier and better communication may be effect-
ually secured between the Northern and Southern
States." ^
• When these lines were written, several ships had
already passed up the river, in spite of the obstruc-
tions ; and from time to time others continued
to pass them, although they had been further
strengthened by sinldng other vessels. Early in
October three frigates went up apparently un-
harmed, a " gentleman on board one of them walk-
ing the second deck, seemingly in command, as if
nothing was the matter, and seven forts keeping a
constant fire at the ships." ^ Still, on several occa-
sions, shot had been seen to strike ; and great care, it
1 Sparks, Vol. IV. p. 82 ; and for a Series, Vol. II. p. 1025; letter of
description of the obstructions. Heath, Thomas Erving to the Maryland
pp. 47, 43. Committee of Safety.
- Force, American Archives, 5th
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 243
was observed, was taken to keep the men, as far as
possible, below out of harm's way ; and in August,
before Fort Constitution was built, the "Phoenix"
and " Eose," in running down, kept close under the
western shore, to avoid the well-directed fire from
Fort Washington and the works below.^ It was evi-
dent that, if the passage could not be absolutely
prevented, it might, at least, be rendered extremely
hazardous.
I " This being a critical hour," Greene writes to the Pres-
ident of Congress on the 28th of October, " when the hopes
and fears of the country and city are continually alarmed,
and yesterday there being a considerable heavy cannon-
ade most part of the day, I have thought it advisable to
forward an express with the account of the action of the
day. The communication between this and the grand
division of the army is in great measure cut off ; there-
fore it will be some time before you have any account
from his Excellency General Washington.
" A ship moved up the river early in the morning,
above our lower lines, right opposite to Fort No. 1, near
old head-quarters at Morris's. She began a brisk can-
nonade upon the shore. Colonel Magaw, who commands
at Fort Washington, got down an eighteen-pounder and
fired sixty rounds at her ; twenty-six went through her.
The gun was mostly loaded with two balls. She was an-
noyed considerably by two eighteen-pounders from this
shore. The confusion and distress that appeared on
board the ship exceeds all description. Without doubt
she lost a great number of men. She was towed off by
four boats sent from the other ships to her assistance ;
she slipped her cable, and left her anchor. Had the tide
1 Heath, p. 54.
244 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1776.
run flood one half-hour longer, we should have sunk her.
At the same time the fire from tlie ships began, the enemy
brought up their field-pieces, and made a disposition to
attack the lines, but Colonel Magaw had so happily dis-
posed and arranged iiis men as to put them out of conceit
of that manoeuvre.
" A cannonade and fire with small-arms continued al-
most all day with very little intermission. We lost one
man only. Several of the enemy were killed ; two or
three our people got and brought off the field, and sev-
eral more were left there. The firing ceased last evening,
and has not been renewed this morning.
" General Washington and General Howe are very
near neighbors. Some decisive stroke is hourly expected.
God grant it may be a happy one ! The troops are in
good spirits, and in every engagement since the retreat
from New York have given the enemy a drubbing."
Part of this description had found a place in a
letter of the preceding day to General Mifilin, and
it is impossible to mistake the cheerful undertone
which runs throuo;li both letters.
" By Major Howell you will receive one hundred and
nineteen thousand musket cartridges. Part arrived to-
day and part last night. As soon as the remainder comes
up from Amboy and Philadelphia, they shall be sent for-
ward. 1 have been to view the roads again, and fixed
upon Aquackanonck, Springfield, Bound Brook, Prince-
towji, and Trentown, to establish the magazines at Tren-
town and Aquackanonck to be the principal ones, the
others only to serve to support the troops in passing from
one to the other. They are all inland posts, and I hope
the stores will be secure. I have ordered all the cannon
from Amboy, except two eighteen-pounders and two field-
1776.] LITE OF NATHAX.AJEL GEEENE. 245
pieces. I have directed them to be sent to Springfield,
Bound Brook, and Aquackanonck, to secure the stores.
" The people have been employed on the other side in
getting the boards together at Fort Washington and the
ferry. Some have been brought from King's Bridge.
To-day I sent up to Colonel Lasher to know what assist-
ance he could give towards taking down the barracks and
bringing otf the boards ; and had for answer that he had
orders to burn the barracks, quit the post, and join the
army by the way of the North River at the White Plains.
" We have had a considerable skirmish on York Island
to-day. The cannonade began in the morning and held
until evening, with very short intermissions. A ship
moved up opposite Fort No. 1. Colonel Magaw got
down an eighteen-pounder, and fired sixty shot at her,
twenty-six of which went into her. She slipped her cable
and left her anchor, and was towed off by four boats. I
think we must have killed a considerable number of their
men, as the confusion and distress exceeded all descrip-
tiou. Our artillery behaved incomparably well. Colonel
Magaw is charmed with their conduct in firing at the ship
and in the field. I left the island at three o'clock tliis
afternoon. We had lost but one man ; he was killed by
a shell that fell upon his head. We have brouglit off
some of the enemy from the field of battle, and more are
still lying on the ground dead."
And here it may be well to observe that, though
Greene was the superior officer on the spot, and
evidently, by the tone of his letter, regarded this
brisk little affair as a very creditable one, he gives
all the credit of it to Magaw. Magaw got down
the eighteen-pounder. Magaw made the judicious
distribution of the troops. Magaw was " charmed
246 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1776.
with tlie conduct (of the artillerymen) in firing at
the ship and in the field." Had he not mentioned
the fact of his leaving the island at three, one
would have supposed that he was copying Magaw's
report instead of making his own. We shall find
him still keeping his own name in the background
and putting other names forward, when greater
things than this were to be told.
" I am anxious," he continues in the same letter, " to
know the state of the troops in the grand army, whether
they are high or low spirited, whether well or ill posted,
whether a battle is expected or not. We must govern
our operations by yours. The troops here and on the
other side are in good spirits ; but I fear quitting Fort
Independence will oblige Magaw to draw his forces into
the garrison, as the enemy will have a passage open upon
his back. I fear it will damp the spirits of his troops.
He did not expect it so soon. If the barracks are not
burnt in the morning, and the enemy don't press too hard
upon us, we will try to get away some of the boards."
CHAPTER X.
Letters to Washington. — Barracks at Fort Independence burnt. —
Letters to Washington. — Letter to Mrs. Greene. — John Clark to
General Greene. — The Group at Fort Lee. — Harrison to Greene.
ri^HE tide of war was slowly turning northward,
-*- drawing as it rolled on a thick screen of wood-
ed hills between Fort Lee and the main army.
" Little skirmishes," says a letter from Fort Lee,
" happen almost every day, but they are thought so
little of that they are seldom mentioned as news." -^
Meanwhile, Greene's work continues, — incessant
watchfulness for the present, careful preparation
for the uncertain continsrencies of the future.
o
" Enclosed," he writes Washington on the 29th, " is an
estimate made of the provisions and provender necessary
to be laid in at the different posts between this and
Philadelphia, to forni a communication, and for the sup-
port of the troops passing and repassing from the different
States.
" Your Excellency will please to examine it and signify
your pleasure. Should the estimate be larger than is
necessary for the consumption of the army, very little or
no loss can arise, as the articles will be laid in at a season
when the prices of things are at the lowest rates, and the
situations will admit of an easy transportation to market
by water."
1 Force, American Archives, 5th Series, Vol. 11. p. 1239.
248 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1776.
See how the New England education crops out
in this last sentence. Washington observed it, no
doubt ; and, taking its place in his cautious mind by
the side of many previous and still more subse-
quent observations, it worked that conviction in
him which, a year and a half later, led him to force
the Quartermaster-Generalship on Greene's reluc-
tant acceptance.
" The ships," Greene continues, " have fallen down the
North River, and the troops which advanced upon Har-
lem Plains, and on the liill where the Monday's action
was, have drawn within their lines again.
" I received the prisoners taken, and have forwarded
them to Philadelphia. 1 enclose you a return of the
troops at this post, who are chiefly raw and undisci-
plined."
Next morning, at three o'clock, as the sentinel
looked out from the rampart of Fort Lee, he saw
a sudden glare lighting up the wooded heights of
Tettard's and Valentine's hills, and casting a lurid
gleam on the still waters of the Spuyten Devil.
The barracks around Fort Independence were all
ablaze. Greene hurried across the river to examine
the ground and see what could be saved.
" Colonel Lasher bnrnt the barracks yesterday morning
at three o'clock," he writes Wasiiington on the 29th ;
" he left all the cannon in the fort. I went out to ex-
amine the ground, and found between two and three
hundred stand of small-arms (that were out of repair),
about two miles beyond King's Bridge, a great number of
spears, shot, shells, (fee, too numerous to mention. I
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 249
directed all the wagons on the other side to be employed
in getting tlie stores away, and expect to get it com-
pleted this morning. I forgot to mention five tons of bar
iron tliat was left. I am sorry the barracks were not left
standing a few days longer ; it would have given us an
opportunity to have got oif some of the boards.
" I think Fort Independence might have kept the
enemy at bay several days, but the troops here and on the
other side are so much fatigued that it must have been a
work of time.
" Colonel Magaw showed me a letter from Colonel
Reed, ordering the Rangers to march and join the array.
Major Coburn was wounded in the Sunday action. Col-
onel Magaw says the Rangers are the only security to
his lines. By keeping out constant patrols, their ac-
quaintance with the ground enables them to discover the
enemy's motions in every quarter. The Colonel petitions
very hard for their stay. I told him I would send an ex-
press to learn your Excellency's further pleasure. The
Colonel thinks, if the Rangers leave him, he must draw
the garrison in from the lines. That would be a pity, as
the redoubts is not yet in any great forwardness. From the
Sunday affair, I am more fully convinced that we can
prevent any ships from stopping the communication.
" I have forwarded eighty thousand musket cartridges
more under the care of a subaltern's guard, commanded
by Lieutenant Pembleton, of Colonel Railing's regiment.
" This moment heard of the action of yesterday. Can
learn no particulars. God grant you protection and suc-
cess ! Colonel Crawford says he expects the action to be
renewed this morning. I hope to be commanded where-
ever I can be most useful."
The enemy were again within sight, but it was
difficult to divine their intentions. Greene was
250 LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. [1776.
beo-innin": to feel anxious about Fort Wasbino-ton,
wbich, altbough tbe works were under the charge
of General Putnam,^ he felt, from its connection
with Fort Lee, in some degree responsible for.
" Tlie enemy have possession of Fort Independence, on
the heights al)ove King's Bridge," he writes to Washing-
ton on the 31st. " Tliey made their appearance the night
before last; we had got everytliing of value away. The
bridges are cut down. I gave Colonel Magaw orders to
stop the road between the mountains.
" I should be glad to know your Excellency's mind
about holding all the ground from King's Bridge to the
lower lines. If we attempt to hold the ground, the gar-
rison must still be reinforced ; but if the garrison is only
to draw into Mount Washington, and keep that, the num-
ber of troops is too large.
" We are not able to determine, with any certainty,
whether tiic troops that have taken post above King's
Bridge are the same troops or not tliat were in and about
Harlem several days past. They disappeared from below
all at once ; and some little time after, about fifty boats,
full of men, were seen going up towards Hunt's Point ;
and that evening, the enemy were discovered at Fort
Independence. We suspect them to be the same troops
that were engaged in the Sunday skirmish. Six officers,
belonging to privateers that were taken by the enemy,
made their escape last night. They inform me that they
were taken by the last fleet that came in. Tlicy had about
six thousand foreign troops on board, one quarter of which
had the black scurvy, and died very fast.
" Seventy sail of transports and ships fell down to Red
1 Orders of the day, Ilead-quar- Force, American Archives, 5th Scries,
tcrs, Harlem Heights, Oct. 14, 1776, Vol. II. p. 1118.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREEIST:. 251
Hook. They were bound for Rhode Island ; had on board
about three thousand troops. Thej also inform that,
after the Sunday action, an officer of distinction was
brought into the city, badly wounded.
" The ships have come up the river to their station
again, a little below their lines. Several deserters from
Powley's Hook have come over. They all report that
General Howe is wounded, as did those from the fleet.
It appears to be a prevailing opinion in the land and sea
service.
" I forwarded your Excellency a return of the troops
at this post, and a copy of a plan for establishing maga-
zines. I could wish to know your pleasure as to the mag-
azines as soon as possible.
"I shall reinforce Colonel Magaw with Colonel Rai-
ling's regiment, until I hear from your Excellency respect-
ing the matter.
" The motions of the grand army will best determine
the propriety of endeavoring to hold all the ground from
King's Bridge to the lower lines. I shall be as much on
the Island of York as possible, so as not to neglect the
duties of my own department. I can learn no satisfactory
account of the action of the other day."
One of the questions of this letter deserves par-
ticular attention : " I should be glad to know your
Excellency's mind about holding all the ground
from King's Bridge to the lines." We shall see by
and by what Washington answered. The earnest,
watchful soldier paints himself well in these let-
ters, written in the intervals of other duties, and
making his daily life, like Washington's, a ceaseless
passing to and fro from the saddle to the desk, and
from the desk to the saddle. The thoughts, too, pass
252 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1776.
directly from hi.s mind to his paper ; and the events
and rumors and conjectures of the day come be-
fore us, as they came before him, with the freshness
of a present existence about them. But of the indi-
vidual life — the husband, the friend, the man \vho
loved books and thirsted after knowledo;e — "we
get, in these busy days, but two precious glimpses.
The first is in a letter of the 2d of November to
his wife : —
" I embrace this opportunity to write you by Bill Hul-
burt, who has got dismission from the service on account
of his ill state of health. I am now very hearty, and busi-
ness enough. I am separated from the grand army, and
can have no communication without going seventy miles.
We had a little action on York Island on Sunday last.
"We drove the enemy away, and gave one of their ships a
severe drubbing. There was an engagement in tlie grand
army, of one brigade. Our loss amounted to about four
hundred killed, wounded, and taken prisoners ; the ene-
my's unknown, but it is judged near as many again as
ours. Our troops are in good spirits, and take a great
number of the enemy by scouting parties. I hold all the
ground on York Island, in spite of tlie enemy. Colonel
Magaw commands the garrison, — a fine officer. The
enemy are at King's Bridge, and on the ground where
you met with the insult from the tavern-keeper. Colonel
Bedford lodges witli me, and wants you to come and go
to riiiladclphia ; l)ut, as things are, I can't advise it.
Colonel Biddle, a gentleman from Philadelphia, Quarter-
master-General, is continually urging me to send for you
to go to the city, and spend some weeks with his lady.
Were you here, 1 sliould readily agree ; but, as you are
at home in peace, I cannot recommend you to come on to
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 253
this troublesome part of America. Billy is captain of my
guard. I have recommended him to the Assembly for a
lieutenancy in the new army. He lias got hearty and well
again, and is desirous of continuing in the service. Ma-
jor Blodget is quite fat, and lauglis all day. Common
Sense (Tom Paine) and Colonel Snarl, or Cornwell, are
perpetually wrangling about mathematical problems. Ma-
jor Livingston is sick, and gone home. I wish you well
and happy, and am affectionately yours."
The other we gain by a letter of John Clark,
Jr., a spirited young Pennsylvanian, Major in
McCallister's battalion, who won so upon Greene's
good opinion that he afterwards took him into
his family as an aid. He writes from Mr. Law-
rence's, at Rockland, on the 8th of November,
in a delicate, lady's hand, that contrasts strangely
with the military details that fill the first page and
a half of his letter : —
" I 've ordered," he says in the last half-page, " a fish-
erman to catch a few pike ; hope to have the pleasure of
presenting you with a mess very soon. I thank you for
your good advice in reminding me of my duty, and hope
I won't depart from it, when 1 send you the fish and the
service not injured. Pray tell Major Blodget there is a
fine pond to employ his angling in, and that I think an
exercise of this kind will be conducive to his healtli."
And in the postscript, " Pray don't forget to send for
Beccaria on 'Crimes and Punishments' for me, and fur-
nish me with Sterne's ' Sentimental Journal.' I '11 take
care of it, and return it safe."
It is impossible not to wish that we knew more
about the little circle of which these letters give
254 LIFE OF NATILVNAEL GREENE. ' [1776.
US such a tantalizing glimpse. Greene's face had
not yet taken that anxious and careworn expres-
sion which the Quartermaster-General's depart-
ment gave it.^ He was fond of conversation, was
a good listener, and particularly skilful in intro-
ducing the subjects upon which he wished to draw
out the opinions of his companj^ But duty pressed
hard upon him ; and, much as he loved conversa-
tion, he loved reading still more. We can easily
imagine him seated by his little desk, with his pen
or his book, sometimes absorbed in the work in
hand, sometimes raising his eye from the printed
or the written page to listen for a few moments
to the conversation, or throw in a few suggestive
words. Paine was not yet Tom Paine the drunk-
ard, or the author of the "Age of Reason," but the
great pamphleteer of the Revolution. " The writer
of 'Common Sense ' and the ' Forrester ' is the same
person," writes John Adams to his wife. " His
name is Paine, a gentleman about two years ago
from England, — a man who, General Lee says, has
genius in his eyes." ^ "Washington, too, speaks of
" the sound doctrine and unanswerable reasonings
contained in the pamphlet 'Common Sense,' "^
and of the " powerful change which it was work-
ing in the minds of many men" in Virginia.*
Clement Biddle was a Philadelphian, two years
older than Greene, and, like him, of a Quaker
1 I was told of this expression of "^ Letters of John Adams to his
his face hy the late Mrs. Sands, whose Wife, Vol. I. p. 10.5.
name will be met with more than once ' Sparks, Vol. III. p. 276.
in these pages as Miss Lott. * Sparks, Vol. IIL p. 347.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 255
fiimily, and a Quaker by education. His reputation
for mercantile skill and integrity had procured him
an early appointment on the staff, with which he
remained connected till 1780, living all the while
in close intimacy with Greene, and enjoying the
full confidence of Washington. Familiarity with
good society and a genial temperament made him
as pleasant a companion in camp as his higher
qualities of mind and character made him a useful
assistant in the serious duties of his difficult and
responsible department. John Clark, Jr., must
have been a pleasant companion, too. To him
Greene was drawn by their common love of knowl-
edge ; and it must have been no small source of
gratification to the commander to discover in his
young subordinate much of the same spirit to
which he owed his own advancement in life, and be
able by his counsels to repay as it were, through
him, some portion of the debt he owed his own
early friend and guide, — Dr. Stiles. Samuel
Ward, Jr., we already know. He was now a
prisoner on parole, fresh from Canada, and able to
tell, if he had been less unwilling to speak of him-
self, thrilling stories of the wild and perilous ex-
pedition to Quebec. Hugh Mercer, too, the Scotch-
man, was often there, the oldest soldier of them
all, who could tell of the still wilder scenes amid
which he first met Washington, — how he had seen
him ride backward and forward over the fatal field
of the Monongahela, untouched by the bullets that
were striking down some comrade with every fresh
256 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1776.
discharge from the deadly rifles of their unseen
foe, until, of all the gallant band of officers who
had marched out that bright morning in the pride
and fulness of their strength, he was the only one
who came from the battle unwounded. Mercer
could also tell how, spent with exertion and loss
of blood, he had hidden himself under the trunk
of a fallen tree, over which one of the victorious
Indians had passed m pursuit of him; what a re-
freshing draught he had drunk from a little brook,
the first refreshment since the dawn of that dis-
astrous day; and how, in the extremity of his hun-
ger, he had killed and ejiten a rattlesnake, and
fancied it a delicious morsel. But liveliest, wit-
tiest, merriest of all the group w^as young William
Blodget, of Providence ; first Greene's secretary
and then his aid, too amiable not to be loved, too
volatile to love himself wisely, but wdiose laugh
always rang out fresh and clear, and wdio w'as
always ready with his pen to sketch figures and
groups, and make his companions laugh by a kind
of hieroglyphics of his own, in which part of the
words were written out, and part symbolized by
figures and objects. But these intervals of social
relaxation were few, and seldom free from inter-
ruption. An officer would come in for orders, or
an orderly perhaps, with a letter fresh from head-
quarters, in the familiar hand of Washington, or
of Harrison, Washington's trusted aid ; and Greene,
turning to his desk, would be instantly absorbed in
his work.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 257
" Colonel Harrison wrote me you were in great want
of flour," he writes to Wasliington from King's Ferry on the
5th. " 'T is attended with very great difficulty to bring it
up from Fort Lee by land. Wagons can't be got to trans-
port a sufficient supply for your army. At Dobbs's Ferry
there are eight or nine hundred barrels, brought from
the other side. I have directed Colonel Tupper to load
a number of the pettyaugers and flat-bottomed boats,
and send them up to Feekskill. Our troops are so ar-
ranged along shore I am in hopes to keep a passage open
for this mode of conveyance. If it can be done, it will
save an amazing expense.
" I found everything in this place in the utmost confu-
sion ; the wagons and flour detained for want of boats
and assistance to transport tliem over. I shall send Cap-
tain Pond hither as soon as I get back, to take charge of
the public stores here and to transport the things across.
Colonel Tupper is to convey the pettyaugers by the sliips ;
and if the barges are manned, the boats are to be run on
shore, and Major Clark, wlio commands a party opposite
the ships, is to protect them. I shall attempt to trans-
port stores from Burdett's Ferry if the enemy make no
new disposition. The utmost care shall be taken that
nothing falls into the enemy's liands.
" I am informed by Colonel Harrison that your Excel-
lency approves of the plan for forming the magazines.
I have directed the commissaries of tlie department to lay
in the provisions as fast as possible, and the Quarter-
master-General is exerting himself to lay in provender.
" Many of our people have got into huts. Tlie tents
are sent forward as fast as the people get their huts
complete.
" Should this ferry be wanted through the winter, the
landing must be altered. I can, by altering the road,
shorten the distance two miles ; one by land, the other by
17
258 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1776.
water. Where it now is, it freezes very soon ; where I pro-
pose it, it is open all winter.
" lam now in the State of New York, and am informed by
Colonel Hawkes Hay that the militia which he commands
refuse to do duty. They say that General Howe has prom-
ised them peace, liberty, and safety, and that is all they
want. What is to be done with them? Tiiis spirit and
temper should be checked in its infancy. I purpose to
send the Colonel about fifty men, and have directed the
Colonel to acquaint them, if they refuse to do duty agreea-
ble to the orders of the State, that I will send up a regi-
ment here, and march them to Fort Lee to do duty
there. I beg your Excellency's further advice.
" I am informed the Virginia regiments are coming on.
I wish I could form a party sufficiently strong to make
a little diversion in the rear of the enemy by the way of
King's Bridge. The Hessians have relaid the bridge and
been across ; but yesterday morning, I believe, they all
went back again. What does your Excellency tliink of
such a manoeuvre ? Is it practicable ? has it the ap-
pearance of being successful if attempted and well con-
ducted ?
" We have a flying report that General Gates has de-
feated Burgoyne. We also hear that a party of Hessians
has deserted over to us. I wish to know the truth of
both reports.
" All things were quiet at Fort Lee and York Island
yesterday at noon.
" The people seem to be much alarmed at Philadelphia
from the success of the enemy. The country is greatly
alarmed at having tlieir grain and hay burnt, yet I believe
it will answer a most valuable purpose : I wish it had
been sooner agreed upon.
" I am informed Hugh Gaine, the printer, is gone into
New York. I have ordered all the boats stove from Bur-
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 259
dett's Ferry to Hobuck, and from Powley's Hook to Ber-
gen Point, to stop the communication. There is a vile
generation here as well as with you. The committee
from Philadelphia for inquiring into the state of the army
complains that enlisting orders are not given out. Please
to let me know your pleasure."
While Greene was writing these lines, Harrison,
by Washington's order, was answering the question
asked in the letter of the 30th October about
holding " the grounds between King's Bridge and
the lower lines."
"It depends," he says, "upon so many circumstances
that it is impossible for him (Washington) to determine
the point. He submits entirely to your discretion and
such judgment as you will be able to form from the
enemy's movements, and the whole complexion of things.
He says you know the original design was to garrison
the works, and preserve the lower lines as long as they
can be kept, that the communication across the river
might be open to us, at the same time that the enemy
should be prevented from having a passage up and down
the river for their ships." ^
1 Force, American Archives, 5th Series, Vol. III. p. 519.
CHAPTER XI.
Movements of the Enemy. — Magaw on the Alert. — Greene to Wash-
ington. — Harrison to Greene. — Washington to Greene. — Greene
to AVashington. — Preparations for Defence. — Letters to and from
Greene. — Washington at Fort Lee. — Fall of Fort Washington.
TT^ARLY in the morning of that same day, the
-^ 5th of November, the enemy " made a sudden
and unexpected movement from the several posts
they had taken in front of the Americans." ^ Wash-
ington had foiled them by superior generalship.
Even Lee was satisfied. " We" he writes Franklin
on the Gth, " have by proper positions brought Mr.
Howe to his ne plus itl&a."^ " The design of this
manoeuvre," writes Washington, " is a matter of
much conjecture and speculation, and cannot be
accounted for with any degree of certainty."^
Washington's conjecture proved the true one. "I
expect the enemy will bend their force against
Fort Washington, and invest it immediately. From
some advices, it is an object that will attract their
earliest attention." *
Magaw was on the alert. " We have just now
discovered," he writes to Greene on the Tth, " that
1 Washington to President of Con- ^ Washington to President of Con-
gress, Spailcs, Vol. IV. p. 1.57. grass, ut sup.
^ Force, American Archives, 5th * Washington, ut sup.
Series, Vol. II. p. 541.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 261
the enemy have brought down about forty sail to
Morrisania Point, ten of which are ships. By this,
I imagine they are retreating, and intend to pay
us a visit. This forenoon we discovered several
English officers on the Plains on this side King's
Bridge. We conjecture they had come from the
grand army. We have made a bad exchange for
Hutchinson's regiment, at least in point of num-
bers : we have great need of the one hundred and
twenty from them. Perhaps you can visit us in
the morning. The Hessians continue intrenching
on the heights on this side King's Bridge." " Col-
onel Cadwallader," says the postscript, " has dis-
covered twenty-three topsail vessels."^
But, farther north. New Jersey seemed their im-
mediate object.
" By an express from Major Clarke, stationed at Dobbs's
Ferry," Greene writes to Washington on the 7th, " I find
the enemy are encamped right opposite, to the number of
between three and five thousand ; and the Major adds,
from their disposition and search after boats, they design
to cross the river. A frigate and two transports or pro-
vision-ships passed the chevaux-de-frise night before last ;
they were prodigiously shattered from the fire of our
cannon. The same evening, Colonel Tapper attempted
passing the ships with the petty augers loaded with flour.
The enemy manned several barges, two tenders, and a
row-galley, and attacked them. Our people ran the petty-
augers ashore, and landed and defended them. The
enemy attempted to land several times, but were repulsed.
The fire lasted about an hour and a half, and the enemy
1 Greene Papers, MSS.
2G2 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1776.
moved off. Colonel Tapper still thinks he can transport
the provisions in flatboats. A second attempt shall be
speedily made. We lost one.
" General Mercer writes me the Virginia troops are
coming on. They are now at Trentown. He proposes
an attack on Staten Island ; but the motions of the
enemy are such I think necessary for them to come for-
ward as fast as possible. On York Island, the enemy
have taken possession of the far hill nearest to Spuyteu
Devil. I think they will not be able to penetrate any far-
ther. There appears to be about fifteen hundred of
them. From the enemy's motions, I should be apt to sus-
pect they were retreating from your army, or altering
their operations.
" Mr. Lovell, who at last is enlarged from his confine-
ment, reports that Colonel Allen, his fellow-prisoner, was
informed that transports were getting in readiness, to sail
at a moment's warning, sufficient to transport fifteen
thousand men.
" The officers of Colonel Hand's regiment are here
with enlisting orders. The officers of the Pennsylvania
regiments think it a grievance (such of them as are com-
missioned for the new establishment) that the officers of
other regiments should have the privilege of enlisting
their men before they get orders. I have stopped it until
I learn your Excellency's pleasure. General Irvine is
very much opposed to it. You '11 please to favor me with
a line on the subject."
On the 7th, also, Washington had heard of the
passage of other ships through the chevaux-de-frise.
" His Excellency," writes Harrison on that day, "just
now received intelligence that three of the enemy's ships
passed the chevaux-de-frise yesterday, or the day before.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 263
When he considers this event, with the present disposition
of the enemy, who have advanced towards the North
River, he apprehends that they have something in view
that we are not apprised of. He wishes you to post
parties of observation at every place on the Jersey side of
the Nortli River where they can land, to watch their
motions ; and upon the least appearance of their collect-
ing boats, or making any disposition to embark, that they
will give him the earliest notice."^
On the following day Washington himself wrote
to Greene : —
" The late passage of three vessels up the North River,
of which we have just received advice, is so plain a proof
of the inefficacy of all the obstructions we have thrown
into it that I cannot but think it will fully justify a
change in the disposition that has been made. If we can-
not prevent vessels from passing up, and the enemy is
possessed of the surrounding country, what valuable
purpose can it answer to attempt to hold a post from
which the expected benefit cannot be had ? I am therefore
inclined to think that it will not be prudent to hazard the
men and stores at Mount Washington ; but, as you are on
the spot, I leave it to you to give such orders as to evac-
uating Mount Washington as you may judge best, and so
far revoking the order given to Colonel Magaw to defend
it to the last." ^
This letter reached Greene on the 9th, and he
immediately answered it.
" Your Excellency's letter of the 8th this moment
came to hand. I shall forward the letter to General
Stevens by express. The stores at Dobbs's Ferry, I had
just given orders to the quartermaster to prepare wag-
1 Greene Papers, Letters to Gen- ^ Sparks, Vol. IV. p. 164.
eral Greene, 1776.
2G4 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1776.
ons to remove them. I think the enemy will meet with
some difficiihy in crossing tlie river at Dobbs's Ferry.
However, it is not best to trust too much to the expected
difficulties they may meet there.
" By tlie letter that will accompany this, and was to
have gone last night by Major Mifflin, your Excellency
will see what measures I took before your favor came to
hand. The passing of the ships up the river is, to be sure,
a full proof of tiie insufficiency of the obstructions in the
river to stop the ships from going up ; but that garrison
employs double the men to invest it that we have to oc-
cupy it. They must keep troops at King's Bridge to
prevent a communication with the country ; and they
dare not leave a very small number, for fear our people
should attack them.
" Upon the whole, I cannot help thinking the garrison
is of advantage ; and I cannot conceive the garrison to be
in any great danger. Tlie men can be brought off" at any
time, but the stores may not be so easily removed ; yet I
think they can be got off in spite of them, if matters grow
desperate. This post is of no importance only in con-
junction with Mount Washington. I was over there last
evening. The enemy seem to be disposing matters to be-
siege the place ; but Colonel Magaw thinks it will take
them till December expires before they can carry it. If
the enemy do not find it an object of importance, they will
not trouble themselves about it ; if they do, it is an open
proof they feel an injury from our possessing it. Our
giving it up will open a free communication with the
country by tiie way of King's Bridge, that must be a
great advantage to them and injury to us."
In the same letter of the 8th, Washington had
written : —
" The best accounts obtained of the enemy assure us of
1776.]
LIFE OF NATHAN.AI:L GREENE. 265
a considerable movement among their boats last evening;
and, so far as can be collected from the various sources of
intelligence, they must design a penetration into Jersey,
and to fall down upon your post. You will therefore
immediately have all the stores removed which you do
not deem necessary for your defence ; and, as the enemy
have drawn great relief from the forage and provisions
which they have found in the country, and which our ten-
derness spared, you will do well to prevent their receiving
any fresh supplies there by destroying them, if the inhab-
itants will not drive off their stock and remove their hay
and grain in time. Experience has shown that a contrary
conduct is not of the least advantage to the poor inhabit-
ants, from whom all their effects of every kind are taken,
without distinction and without the least satisfaction.
" Troops are filing off from hence as fast as our situa-
tion and circumstances will admit, in order to be trans-
ported over the river with all expedition."
" If the enemy crosses the river," answered Greene,
" I shall follow your Excellency's advice respecting the
cattle and forage. Those measures, however cruel in ap-
pearance, were ever my maxims of war in defence of a
country. In attacking, they would be very improper
I shall collect our whole strength and watch the motions
of the enemy, and pursue such measures for the future
as circumstances may render necessary.
" As I have your Excellency's permission, I shall order
General Stephen on as far as Aquackanonck, at least.
That is an important pass. I am fortifying it as fast as
possible."
Part of the army was now crossing the Hudson
at King's Ferry, and it was evident that the
enemy's plans would soon be known. Washington,
too, would soon be at Fort Lee. Meanwhile letters
266 LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. ["76.
continued to pass constantly between him and
Greene.
" Your Excellency's favor by Colonel Harrison of the
8th," Greene writes on the 10th from Fort Lee, " came
to hand last evening. I am taking every measure in my
power to oppose the enemy's landing, if they attempt
crossing the river into the Jerseys. I have about five
hundred men posted at the different passes in the moun-
tains fortifying. About five hundred more are marching
from Amboy directly for Dobbs's Ferry. General Mercer
is with me now. I shall send him up to take command
of these immediately. I have directed the Quarter-
master-General to have everything moved out of the
enemy's way, particularly cattle, carriages, hay and grain.
The flour at Dobbs's Ferry is all moved from that place ;
and I have directed wagons to transport it to Clarke's
and Orange towns. I was at Dobbs's Ferry last night ; left
it at sundown ; saw no new movement of the enemy.
The enemy landed from on board the ships many bales of
goods, supposed to be clothing. I am sure the enemy
cannot land at Dobbs's Ferry, it will be so hedged up by
night. The flats run otF a great distance ; they can't
get near the shore with their ships. If the enemy in-
tends to effect a landing at all, they '11 attempt it at
Naiac's, or Haverstraw Bay. I wish these intelligences
may not be calculated to deceive us. Methinks if the
enemy intended crossing the river, they would not give us
several days to prepare to oppose them. They might
have taken their measures, lain concealed until they had
got everytliing in readiness to cross the river, and then
effected it at once. It might have been so much easier
accomplished that way than it can now, and so many
more advantages obtained in getting possession of the
grain, hay, cattle, wagons, and liorscs, that I cannot help
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 267
suspecting it to be only a feint to lead our attention astray.
I wish it may not turn out so. However, I shall exert
myself as much to be in readiness as if they had actually
landed, and make the same disposition to oppose them as
if I was certain they intended to cross.
" I shall keep a good, intelligent officer at Bergen, and
another at Ball's Ferry, to watch the motions of the ships.
" Your Excellency's letter to General Putnam this
moment came to hand. I have ordered the Quarter-
master-General to send off all the superfluous stores, and
the commissaries to hold themselves in readiness to pro-
vide for the troops at Dobbs's Ferry and Haverstraw Bay.
" I have wrote to Colonel Hawkes Hay to have the
road altered at King's Ferry. I directed Colonel Tupper
to send up to that ferry all the spare boats. I had given
orders for collecting and scuttling the boats before your
Excellency's letter came to hand on the subject. Our
numbers are small for the duty we have to go through ;
but I hope our exertions may be in some proportion to
your Excellency's expectation. Sixty or seventy sail of
shipping from Frogg's Point and Morrisania have fallen
down the East River to New York.
" In my next I will enclose your Excellency a return
of the stores of all kinds at this post, and take your fur-
ther directions as to the disposition of them."
On the 11th important intelligence was brought
in by Justice Mercerau, of Staten Island. Greene
communicated it to Washington the same day, and
on the next to the President of Congress.
" Your favor of the 4th and 5th of this instant," he
writes the President, " came duly to hand. You may de-
pend upon my transmitting to Congress every piece of intel-
ligence that comes to hand that is worthy of their notice.
" By one Justice Mercerau, a gentleman that fled from
268 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1776.
Staten Island, I am informed that there are ten thousand
troops embarked for South Carolina, to be commanded
by Lord Dunmore. This intelligence he obtained by a
gentleman yesterday from the city of New York, — a man
of credit and truth. Mercerau is a very good friend to
the cause and a sensible man, and he says from several
ways this account is confirmed. Perhaps the number is
not so great as reported. Mercerau further informs me
that a large fleet are at the watering-place on Long or
Staten Inland, all ready to sail for England. It is re-
ported the fleet consists of one hundred sail,
" By several accounts of different people from the city,
it appears our prisoners are in a very suffering situation.
Humanity requires that something should be done for
them. They have only half allowance of bread and
water ; but this, I suppose, is exaggerated.
" Tiie enemy at Dobbs's Ferry, where they have lain
several days past, decamped this morning at nine o'clock,
and took the road towards King's Bridge. They made an
appearance at the ferry, as if they intended to cross the
river. I believe they are disappointed in their expecta-
tions, and at a loss what measures to pursue.
" We have had several skirmishes with the Hessians on
York Island within a few days ; killed and wounded be-
tween thirty and forty privates, and one officer.
" Day before yesterday our people had an interview
with the Hessians ; they acknowledged they were greatly
imposed upon by their prince, and promised to desert that
night, but none came over.
" A considerable part of the troops on the other side are
coming over into the Jerseys, and his Excellency Gen-
eral Washington with them. I expect General Howe
will attempt to possess himself of Mount Washington, but
very much doubt whether he will succeed in the attempt.
Our troops are much fatigued with the amazing duty, but
1776.] LIFE OF NATH.iNAEL GREENE. 269
are generally in good spirits. The Hessians say they are
on half allowance. The light-horse are said to be perish-
ing for want of provender."
On the 13th Washington reached Fort Lee.^
He was now convinced that one of the immediate
objects of the enemy was " the investing of Fort
Washington";^ and it was evident that, if the
garrison were to be withdrawn, they must be with-
drawn without loss of time. Still his mind wavered
in " warfare and hesitation." ^ Greene was in favor
of defending the fort; and of Greene's "judgment
and candor " he had " a good opinion." * While he
was thus wavering, the enemy came. On the 15th
Magaw was summoned to surrender; and, return-
ing " a spirited refusal," ^ sent over an express to
Greene with a copy of his letter. Washington
had ridden over to Hackinsac. "Enclosed," Greene
writes to him from Fort Lee at four o'clock, " you
have a letter from Colonel Magaw. The contents
will require your Excellency's attention. I have
directed Colonel Magaw to defend the place un-
til he hears from me. I have ordered General
Heard's brigade to hasten on. I shall go to the
Island soon."
Washington hurried back to Fort Lee. Greene
and Putnam were gone to Fort Washington. He
1 Sparks, Vol. IV. p. 134. Reed, p. 263, and his reprint of the
2 Ibid. original letters of Washington to
^ Letter to Joseph Reed, August 22, Reed, p. 1 24.
1779 ; Sparks, Vol. IV. p. 329 ; and, * Washington to Reed, ut sup.
with slight variations, in W.B. Reed's ^ Sparks, Vol. IV. p. 179.
Life and Correspondence of Joseph
270 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1776.
instantly followed, and was partly across the river,
when he met them on their w^ay back.^ It was
late. The shadows of evening already lay damp
and dark on the deep bed of the river, and were
fast enfolding the fortress itself, over which the
young flag was waving for the last time in the
cold, autumn twilight. While the boatmen of the
two barges lay on their oars, Greene and Putnam
told him how hopeful they had left Magaw, and
how confident all were that they could make their
defence good. Encouraged, though not fully shar-
ing their confidence, he returned with them to the
western shore,^ — all three, perhaps, pausing from
time to time, as they climbed the steep ascent of
the Palisades, to hearken whether, amid the sounds
that floated heavily on the damp night-air, there
was anything to encourage them or to alarm.
Night slowly wore away, — a long and anxious
night, so impenetrably dark on the surface of the
river, that, although watchful eyes from either bank
were fixed upon it, the enem}?^ passed silently up
with thirty flat-bottomed boats, and, entering
Spuyten Devil Creek, carried them safely round
to Harlem River,^ where Cornwallis and Mathews
were waiting their arrival. Day came at last, and
with it the booming of cannon from north and
south.* At ten, a large body was seen advancing
1 Marshall, Life of TVashinpton, American Archives, 5th Scries, Vol.
Vol. L p. 117 (2d ed.) ; Gordon, IIL p. 924 ; Sparks, Vol. IV. p. 174,
Vol. IL p. 348. note.
'^ Iliid. * Graydon, Memoirs, p. 199.
' Howe's official report, Force,
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GKEENE. 271
over Harlem Plain, with their field-pieces in front,
which, on coming within cannon-shot of a small
work on a rocky point of the ridge that skirted it,
they unlimbered, and began to fire.^
Meanwhile, Washington, Greene, Putnam, Mer-
cer, and Knox, with their aids, had again crossed
the river, and were watching the enemy's approach
from the old head-quarters at Morris's house. Wash-
ington gave no new orders, but, observing the
troops and their position, withdrew reluctantly,
though just in time to escape capture. Fifteen
minutes later the English stood on the very spot
where he had been standing.^
The attack began, — Knyphausen leading on the
north ; Mathews, Cornwallis, and Sterling on the
east ; Percy, with Lexington still fresh in his
memory, on the south.^ Washington had taken
his stand on the brow of the Palisades, whence he
could see part and hear all.* Greene was with
him, and Putnam and Mercer and Knox and Reed.
Tom Paine was there, too ; and Young Samuel
Ward, whose heart misgave him, for, a few days
before, on visiting the fort with Greene, he had
recognized among its defenders some of the faint-
hearted of the Canada expedition, who, when the
toil and danger pressed upon them, had turned
back, and abandoned their comrades. When they
saw Ward, they started as if they had seen a spec-
1 Graydon, nt sup. Howe's Report, m< swp. Washington to
2 Graj'don, p. 200; Gordon, Vol. President of Congress, Sparks, Vol.
II. p. 348. IV. p. 178.
2 Marshall, Graydon, Gordon, and * Gordon, Vol. II. p. 351.
272 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1776.
tre, and slunk away.^ There was gallant fighting
on the north, where Eawlings, with his Virginians?
held the Hessians at bay, giving ground only when
their rifles became foul, and could no longer be used
with effect. It cost Knyphausen " near upon eight
hundred men" to force them back.^ Gallantly, too,
Cadwallader maintained his ground till the first and
second divisions of the enemy, crossing the Har-
lem and dispersing the troops in their front, were
upon the point of cutting off his retreat. The
royal troops pushed on with exultation. The
Americans fell back, or broke and fled. Ralil was
within a hundred yards of the fort. The troops
lost heart, and refused to man the lines where, par-
ticidarly from the northern brow of the hill, they
might still have held their ground.^ Magaw did
his best, but in they came, panic-stricken, and
crowding one upon another, till there was no room
left to fight in. The enemy sent a second sum-
mons.
Washington saw it; saw the white flag go into the
fort; saw his men bayoneted, as they begged for
quarters. There was still a chance of safety. Could
Magaw but hold out till night, his men might j^et be
saved from captivity. A gallant Massachusetts man
— Captain Gooch — offered to cross with the mes-
sage ; and, making his way up to the fort and then
back again, running down the steep hillside, dodging
1 This was told me by Richard ^ tjij^ is Gordon's statement.
Ray Ward, Esq., of New York, son ^ Greene to Governor Cooke, Dec.
of Mnjor Ward, who had it from 4,1776; Gordon, Vol. II. p. 350.
his father.
1776.] LIFE OF NATH.INAEL GREENE. 273
blows and thrusts from swords and bayonets as he
passed, brought back the unwelcome tidings that
it was too late ; -^ the negotiations had advanced too
far; the garrison were already prisoners of war;
Fort Washington, with its valuable stores, and more
than two thousand men, — good and true men, many
of them, — was lost. Why was it held at such
hazard ?
Greene has always borne the blame of this loss,
as if, when the Commander-in-chief was present, the
decision had rested with him. The reasons on
which he founded his advice he has given in full in
his letter of the 9th of November. It cannot be
denied that there is great weight in them. Could
Fort Washington have held out till the middle of
December, it could have held out till spring ; and
with such a fortress in his rear, Howe would never
have dared to enter the Jerseys. Washington
found Greene's reasons so strong that he could not
come to a decision ; and while he was weighing
them, the post was lost.
But one of the elements of Greene's calculation
failed him. He had calculated upon a vigorous
defence, and the defence was not worthy of that
of Bunker Hill the year before, nor that of Fort
Mercer or Fort Mifflin the year after. Had Raw-
lings been supported, Knyphausen could not have
gained the north lines. But the men refused to
man them, and crowded into the redoubt, where
they became a compact mark for the enemy's guns.
i Heath, p. 86.
18
274 LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. [1776.
The defence on the east was still more irresolute ;
and there are questions connected with that on the
south which will, it is probable, never be solved.^
But had it been like that of Rawlings's riflemen,
it would have wellnigh crippled the enemy. A
thousand or fifteen hundred men more would have
been enough to give Magaw the means of support-
ing the riflemen, and strengthening his defences
on the east. I am told, by persons better qualified
than I am to decide a military question, that Gen-
eral Greene's advice was founded upon sound mili-
tary principles. That he still thought so long after,
is evident from his answer to Wilkinson. " I after-
wards," says Wilkinson, " conversed with General
Greene respecting this affair, who was generally
blamed for attempting to hold the place ; and I rec-
ollect well he observed, ' I would to God we had had
ten thousand men there.' He was of opinion that
the ground was tenable, and that it was lost by the
insufficiency of our force. I am inclined to the
same opinion, and the fact may be ascertained."^
This agrees with what Greene wrote to Gover-
nor Cooke on the 4th of December. " The garrison
consisted of upwards of two thousand men : the
lines were too extensive for that number to defend;
and when they retreated into the garrison, so much
1 Acfording to documents in the publish the results of his investiga-
possession of Mr. Dawson, Cadwalla- tion of the whole subject. The stu-
der gave up the P'ort " without a dent of American history will looit
blow, wiiile Magaw was away from anxiously for them,
it, leading hi« men to oppose another ' Wilkinson's Memoirs, Vol. I. p.
column of the enemy." It is under- 103.
stood that Mr. Dawson will soon
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 275
confusion, disorder, and dispiritedness prevailed
that Colonel Magaw, who commanded the garrison,
could not get the troops to man the outworks."
These words were written before he had had an
opportunity of conversing with any of the prisoners
of that disastrous day. In 1778, when he had had
that opportunity, and had also studied the subject
in the light of longer experience, he wrote to John
Brown. " Remember the effect that the loss of the
garrison of Fort Washington had : there were men
enough to have defended themselves against all the
army, had they not been struck with a panic ; but,
being most of them irregular troops, they lost all
their confidence when the danger began to grow
pressing, and so fell a prey to their own fears." ^
1 The following passage from the in attempting to storm lines incon-
same letter, written llth September, siderable when compared to the forti-
1778, after the failure of the expe- fications at Newport, and defended
dition against Newport, shows on with a less number of men in the
what his reasoning concerning the works than were here. Recollect the
defence of the lines was founded, fate of the British army at Bunker's
" Remember the loss of the British Hill, attacking slight works defended
army before Ticonderoga last war, by new-levied troops."
CHAPTER XII.
Fall of Fort Lee. — DiflFerent Accounts of it. — Retreat through the
Jerseys. — Greene's Hopes. — Letters. — Inefficiency of Congress. —
Embarrassments of Washington's Position. — Ampler Powers con-
ferred on ^V^ashington. — Greene to Governor Cooke.
" rilHE loss of Fort Washington rendered Fort Lee
J- useless ; his Excellency ordered its evacuation ac-
cordingly. All the valuable stores accordingly were sent
off. Tlie enemy got intelligence of it; and, as they were
in possession of Harlem river, brought their boats through
tliat pass without our notice. They crossed the river in
a very rainy night, and landed, about five miles above the
fort, about six thousand, — most accounts say eight thou-
sand. We had then at Fort Lee only between two and
three thousand effective men. His Excellency ordered
a retreat immediately. We lost considerable baggage, for
want of wagons, and a considerable quantity of stores.
We had about ninety or a hundred prisoners taken, but
these were a set of rascals that skulked out of the way for
fear of fighting. The troops at Fort Lee were mostly of
the flying camp, irregular and undisciplined ; had they
obeyed orders, not a man would have been taken.
" I returned to the camp two hours after the troops
marched off. Colonel Cornwell and myself got off sev-
eral hundred ; yet, notwithstanding all our endeavors, still
near a hundred remained hid about the woods. We re-
treated to Hacken.sack, from Hackensack to Equacanach,
from Equacanach to Newark, from Newark to Brunswick,
1776.] LIFE OF NATHAN.IEL GREENE. 277
from Brunswick to this place [Trenton] ; here we are,
endeavoring to collect a sufficient force to give the enemy
battle, or at least to stop their progress."
Such is Greene's summary to Governor Cooke
of the busy, anxious fortnight which followed the
fall of Fort Washington. A careful comparison
with other authorities shows that, though perfectly
accurate in every other respect, he has fliiled to
do justice to his own share in these interesting
transactions. The day after the surrender, Wash-
ington had returned to Hackensack, where the
troops he had taken over the river with him were
posted.
" The much greater part of the enemy," Greene wrote
him on the 18th, " marched off from Fort Washington,
and above King's Bridge, this morning. Their route ap-
peared to be towards New York. One of the train of
artillery came across the river last night on a raft. By
this account, the enemy must have suffered greatly on the
north side of Fort Washington. Colonel Rawlings's regi-
ment was posted there, and behaved with great spirit.
Colonel Magaw could not get the men to man the lines ;
otherwise, he would not have given up the fort.
" I am sending off the stores as fast as I can get wag-
ons. I have sent three expresses to Newark for boats,
but can get no return of what boats we may expect from
that place. The stores here are large, and the transpor-
tation by land will be almost endless. The powder and
fixed ammunition I have sent off first by land, as it is an
article too valuable to trust upon tlie water.
" Our Bergen guard were alarmed last night, but be-
lieve without reason."
278 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1776.
The night of the 19th was dark and rainy; and
the guards that had been stationed along the Pali-
sades to observe the movements of the enemy kept
such slack watch that he made good his landing
at Closter, five miles above Fort Lee, before they
gave the alarm. "Then an ofhcer," says Paine,
who was at the Fort as Greene's volunteer aid,
" posted down to Fort Lee, with the tidings." -^
Greene instantly despatched an express to Wash-
ington, at Hackensack ; and, ordering the garrison
under arms, put them in motion for the head of
the English Neighborhood, — a small stream which,
with the Hackensack (neither of them fordable
near the fort), formed the western boundary of the
narrow neck of land on which the fort stood.
There was no time for hesitation ; for Cornwallis,
the most active of the English generals, — Greene's
future antagonist in the Carolinas, — had but a
mile and a half to march to cut off the retreat of
the Americans, and Greene five to secure it. Hur-
rying his men over the ground, he succeeded in
reaching the head of the creek before the enemy
came up, and thus securing the road to the bridge
over the Hackensack. Here he drew up his little
army, with their front towards the enemy ; and,
while Washington, who had now joined him, held
them at bay, hastened back to the fort, collected a
large body of stragglers, — nearly three hundred in
all, — and conveyed them in safety across the river.
1 Crisis, No. I. Force, American Archives, .^th Series, Vol. III. p. 1291.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 279
Such was Greene's first measuring of swords with
Cornwallis.^
The remainder of the retreat to the banks of
the Delaware — "the mud rounds," as the soldiers
called it — was conducted by Washington in jDcr-
son, with Greene most of the time at his side, and
deeper than ever in his counsels. This was the
darkest hour of the war. " It is impossible for me,"
wrote Washington to his brother, John Augustine,
on the 19th of November, "in the compass of a
letter, to give you any idea of our situation ; of
my difficulties, and of the constant perplexities
and mortifications I meet with, derived from the
unhappy policy of short enlistments, and de-
laying them too long." ^ A month passed, and he
writes again to the same brother, "In a word, my
dear sir, if every nerve is not strained to recruit
the new army with all possible expedition, I think
the game is pretty nearly up."^ The tone of
Greene's letters is more hopeful. The stern ex-
citement of the close-drawn contest seems to have
given an elastic energy to his feelings, without
clouding his judgment. He sees whence the evil
comes, and W'here the danger lies, but finds
grounds of hope even in the very clearness of his
perceptions.
* In this account I have followed sitions of the army in the various
Gordon, who differs from the author movements round New York, etc.
of " The Crisis " (Tom Paine). Gor- during this campaign. — GreenePa-
don was very minute in his inquiries, pers, letters of Gordon and Greene,
and General Greene marked out for ^ Sparks, Vol. IV. p 184.
him, at his written request, the po- ^ Sparks, Vol. IV. p. 231.
280 LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. [1776.
" We have had," he writes to Governor Cooke on the
4th of December, " anotlier convincing proof of the folly of
short enlistments : the time for which the five months' men
were engaged expired at this actual period " (during
the retreat, that is, from Hackensack). " Two brigades
left us at Brunswick, notwithstanding the enemy were
within two hours' march and coming on. The loss of
these troops at this critical time reduced his Excel-
lency to the necessity to order a retreat again. Here
[Trenton] we are endeavoring to draw our forces to-
gether. The Philadelphia and Pennsylvania militia turn
out with great spirit, but the Jersey militia behaves scur-
vily,aud I fear are not deserving the freedom we are con-
tending for. General Lee is on his march for this place,
and part of the Ticonderoga troops. When we get col-
lected together, I am in hopes it will be a respectable
body of troops.
" The enemy spread desolation wherever they go ; the
British and Hessian troops plunder, without distinction,
Whig and Tory ; all fare alike.
" I am in hopes the General will give orders to advance
upon the enemy to-morrow : our numbers are still small,
not to exceed 5,000, but daily increasing. When we left
Brunswick we had not 3,000 men, — a very pitiful army
to trust the liberties of America upon. Tiie American
States should establish their militia upon the British
plan : they would be a much better body of troops ; it
would do less injury to husbandry, manufactures, and
commerce than upon the present establishment. The
distresses of the people would be infinitely less, for those
to whose lot it fell to serve would naturally accommodate
their business to their situation. A militia upon the
British establishment are a respectable body of troops, and
afford a great internal security to a state. They are sub-
ject to such a degree of discipline and order as renders
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 281
them formidable ; and, without ttiat, numbers are useless,
nay, distressing, for you cannot bring them to act to any
one point, and you have a great many useless and un-
profitable mouths to feed I wish the enlisting may
go on favorably, but I fear the contrary : the success of
privateering has set all the troops distracted. 'T is im-
possible to oppose the enemy successfully without a good,
firm body of troops, subject to proper discipline and well
officered. Our men are good ; nothing is wanting but
officers and discipline to make the American troops equal
to any in the world.
" The situation this army was in when I wrote you
last," he writes to his wife on the same day, " must nat-
urally alarm your fears. The enemy have since pressed
us very hard from place to place. The time for which
our troops were engaged expired, and they went off by
whole brigades, notwithstanding the enemy lay within two
or three hours' march of us, and our force remaining not
near half equal to theirs. The virtue of the Americans
is put to a trial : if they turn out with spirit, all will go
on well ; but if the militia refuses their aid, the people
must submit to the servitude they deserve. But I think
it is impossible that Americans can behave so poltroonish.
The militia of Pennsylvania, and particularly of Pliila-
delphia, are coming in by thousands. In a day or two I
hope to advance upon the enemy, and drive them back as
fast as they drove us in. We are making every disposi-
tion to advance upon the enemy, and by to-morrow I hope
the General will issue his orders to move forward.
" The troops of Maryland and Virginia have orders to
move forward to stop the ravages of the enemy. Their
footsteps are marked with destruction wherever they go.
There is no diffi3rence made between the Wliigs and Tories;
all fare alike. They take the clothes off on the people's
282 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1776.
back. The distress they spread wherever they go exceeds
all description.
" I hope to God you have not set forward for this place
from what I wrote you last. Continue at home, my dear,
if you wish to enjoy the least share of happiness. Sev-
enty sail of the enemy's fleet sailed a few days past, their
destination unknown : but 't is suggested by many they
were bound for Rhode Island ; but I rather suppose them
to be going to the southward. The climate will favor
their operations much more than the Northern States.
" What is the news amongst you ? Tiie loss of Fort
Washington and the enemy's late movements weighed,
down the spirits of the people. Tell Dr. Senter to write
me how recruiting goes on, and the temper of the people,
the success of the privateers, and everything of an inter-
esting nature.
" I am hearty and well amidst all the fatigues and
hardships I endure. I hope you enjoy your health and
the comj)any of all your friends about you. Be of good
courage ; don't be distressed : all things will turn out for
the best. I wish you abundant happiness, and am affec-
tionately yours."
It is evident that these letters were written in
great haste and amid frequent interruptions, — haste
and interruptions which show what a life he was
leading. It was evident, too, that, while he was
not afraid to look the danger full in the iace,
he was resolved to make the most of every favor-
able circumstance, and paint things in as bright
colors as he could without awakening unfounded
expectations.
On the 7th, three days after this last letter to
his wife, we find him at Princeton, writing to Wash-
ington at Trenton : —
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 283
" Lord Stirling will write by the same express that this
comes by, and enclose your Excellency several pieces of
intelligence obtained of different people yesterday. His
Lordship thinks the enemy are making a disposition to
advance : for my part, I am at a loss to determine whether
their disposition is to advance, or for defence. Tlie enemy
have got a party advanced about seven miles tliis side
Brunswick ; another at Brunswick, with an advance of
guard two miles this side of the town. 'Tis reported by
some of the country people that the enemy intend to ad-
vance in two columns ; one this, the other the Boundbrook
road. General Mercer advanced upon this road, and I
should think the German battalion might be advanta-
geously posted on the other road.
" Major^Clarke reports General Lee is at the heels of
the enemy. I should think he had better keep upon the
flanks than upon the rear of the enemy, unless it were
possible to concert an attack at the same instant of time
in front and rear.
" Our retreat should not be neglected, for fear of con-
sequences. The bottom of the river should be examined,
and see if the boats can be anchored in the ferry-way.
If there is no anchor-ground, the bridge must be thrown
over below. Colonel Biddle had better make a trial im-
mediately, that we may not be in confusion. If a bridge
cannot be thrown over, forty boats should be manned
under the care of a good officer, and held in readiness ;
with these boats, prudently managed, the troops could be
thrown over in a very short time. Methinks all the
cannon that don't come forward with the army might
be well posted on the other side the river to cover
a retreat.
" I think General Lee must be confined within the
limits of some general plan, or else his operations will be
284 LIFE OF NATHAN.VEL GREENE. [1776.
independent of yours. His own troops, General St.
Clair's, and tlie militia must form a respectable body.
" If General Dickinson would engage the militia for
some given time, there might be some dependence upon
them ; but no operation can be safely planned wherein
they are to act a part, unless they can be bound by
some further tie than the common obligation of a militia-
man. I think if the General was at length to engage his
militia on some such plan, your Excellency might take
your measures accordingly.
" Tliis moment a captain has returned that went to
reconnoitre last night, and it is beyond a doubt the enemy
are advancing ; and my Lord Stirling thinks they will be
up here by twelve o'clock. I shall make the best disposi-
tion I can to oppose them."
The hope of making a stand was not realized ;
and again the little army turned its face towards
the Delaware, its ranks growing thinner at every
step.
" The last time I wrote you was at Trenton," he writes
to his wife on the 16th from Coryell's Ferry, on the Dela-
ware, forty miles above Philadelphia ; " since which, the
enemy have reduced us to the necessity to pass the Dela-
ware. We have been endeavoring to draw a force to-
gether to check General Howe's progress ; but the militia
of New Jersey have been so friglited, and the Pennsyl-
vania milita so disaffected, that our endeavors have been
ineffectual. The troops under the command of General
Lee we expect to join us to-day, but without the General,
who liad the misfortune to be made a prisoner on Friday
last by a party of light-horse. The General, by some
strange infatuation, was led from tlie army four miles;
the Tories gave information of his situation, and a party
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 285
of light-horse came eighteen miles, and seized and carried
him off. This is a great loss to the American States, as he
is a most consummate General. Fortune seems to frown
upon the cause of freedom ; a combination of evils are
pressing in upon us on all sides. However, I hope this
is the dark part of the night, which generally is just
before day. The Tories are the cursedest rascals amongst
us, — the most wicked, villanous, and oppressive. Tliey
lead the relentless foreigners to the houses of their
neighbors, and strip the poor women and children of
everything they have to eat or wear ; and after plundering
them in this sort, the brutes often ravish the mothers and
daughters^ and compel the fathers and sons to behold
their brutality ; many have fallen sacrifices in this way.
" The Tories have done us more injury than they can
repair during their generation. Beware of those mis-
creants ; watch them narrowly.
" I hear a fleet and army have made good their landing
at Rhode Island. God forbid they should penetrate into
the country with you as with us. But if the New Eng-
land virtue is not greater than it is here, God knows
what the consequence will be. The militia of the city of
Philadelphia are the only people that have shown a dis-
position to support the cause.
" The enemy are now retreating into winter quarters,
as they say ; but perhaps 't is only a feint to amuse, to
try to surprise us. We must be on our guard, which I
hope we shall.
"The Eastern delegates applied to his Excellency
General Washington to permit me to go to New England
to take the command there ; but the General would not
permit me to go. I am impatient to hear how matters
stand with you, — what opposition is forming, and how
the recruiting service goes on.
" We have pleasing accounts from Yirginia and Mary-
286 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1776.
land witli respect to the recruiting service ; the regiments
are filling very fast. We are fortifying the city of Phil-
adelphia, and doubt not we shall be able to keep the
enemy out this winter. The city is under martial law;
the Quakers horridly frighted for fear the city should be
burnt. The ravages of the Jerseys is shocking to be-
hold.
" I have no hope of coming to New England this
winter. I enjoy my health perfectly well. I feel a great
deal of anxiety for your sake. God bless you with
health, and comfort you during our separation. Any-
thing you want my brethren will furnish you ; don't be
afraid to apply. I should be happy to receive a line, if it
can come by a safe hand ; but if you cannot write by
some safe hand, don't write at all, for it 's uncertain whose
hands it may fall into. Remember my love to my breth-
ren, and to all inquiring friends.
" The Continental currency the Tories are endeavoring
to destroy : the credit is almost lost in the Jerseys, and
much injured in this State. However, a good army will
soon repair the credit, and nothing else. Much depends
upon New England this winter.
" I must bid you adieu, being called in haste. Fare-
well, my dear. Kiss our little pledges of mutual affec-
tion, whom I long to see.
J'
The reader will hardly have forgotten Greene's
letter from Fort Lee about the " o-eneral and rem-
mental hospitals." It is pleasant to find that,
even in the midst of this general -depression, he
never loses sight of the great questions of organ-
ization : —
" I take the liberty to recommend Doctor "Warren to
Congress," he writes to the President on the 16th, " as a
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 287
very suitable person to receive an appointment of a sub-
director, which I am informed tliey are about to create a
number of. Dr. Warren has given great satisfaction wliere
he has had the direction of business. He is a young
gentleman of ability, humanity, and great application to
business.
" I feel a degree of happiness that the Congress are
going to put the hospital department upon a better estab-
lishment ; for the sick this campaign have suffered beyond
description, and shocking to humanity. For my own
part, I have never felt any distress equal to what the
sufferings of the sick have occasioned, and am confident
that nothing will injure the recruiting service so much as
the dissatisfaction arising upon that head."
But a still more important question was now
forcing itself upon his attention ; a question which,
in those critical moments, must have been the sub-
ject of frequent and earnest discussion between
him and Washino;ton. Amono; the mistakes and
evils which this eventful year had revealed, there
was none graver or more evident than the inability
of Congress to cope with the new and urgent ex-
ecutive questions which every day brought forth.
The most serious embarrassments against which
Washing;ton had to contend arose from the ne-
cessity of constantly referring to Congress for
authority, and asking their advice where he ought
to have controlled their resolves. Upon all the
important questions that had arisen in that body,
there had, from the beginning, been serious dif-
ferences of opinion ; sectional jealousies and per-
sonal jealousies mingling largely in every discus-
288 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1776.
sion, and preparing the way for those dangerous
intrigues which, in the course of the following
year, attained their full measure of malignity in
the Conway cabal. The voices of a few wise men
were drowned in the clamor of a majority jealous
of military power, and unable to use their own
power effectively. It was Congress that held on to
the fatal system of short enlistments, until the
time for securing an army for the war was passed.
It was Congress that wasted precious days in
debate, when circumstances called for prompt and
decisive action. Nor was the personal conduct of
individual members in perfect harmony with their
professions. At this very time, when the fate of
the war was trembling in the balance, and every
man should have been at his post, John Adams,
although a member of the board of war, w\as in-
dulging himself in a three months' visit to his
family in Massachusetts.^ It was evident to the
men upon whom the heat and burden of the day
fell, that the scattered powers of Congress must,
for a time at least, be concentrated in a single
hand, and Washington authorized to do whatever
the occasion required, without waiting to consult
a distant and dilatory assembly. In this delicate
and emljarrassing situation, Washington seems to
have placed his chief reliance upon Greene ; and
sorely must Greene have felt the loss of Samuel
1 Life and Works of John Adams, it was a great error of judgment in
Vol. L p. 257. No one can call Mr. him to absent himself from Congress
Adams's patriotism in question ; but at this critical moment.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 89
Ward, through whom he might have brought the
subject before Congress without exposing either
Washington or himself to the sus23icion of seeking
to augment the mihtary power at the expense of
the civil power. But there was no time for hesita-
tion. Washington wrote on the 20th, with his
usual frankness and good sense, Greene on the
21st: —
" Although I am far from thinking the American cause
desperate, yet I conceive it to be in a critical situation.
The enemy in the heart of the country ; the disaffected
daily increasing ; the Continental money losing its cur-
rency ; the time for which the troops stand engaged al-
most ready to expire ; very few enlisted upon the new
establishment ; the tide of public sentiment at a stand,
and ready to run tlirough different channels ; the people
refusing to supply the army under various pretences, but
evidently from a disaffection to the cause and to the
currency, — are combined evils calculated to pave the way
for General Howe's advances ; who, having cantoned his
troops advantageously, stands prepared to take advantage
of those circumstances wliich, I am sorry to say, afford
him but too favorable a prospect. It is necessary, in addi-
tion to this disagreeable train of evils, that the different
corps of officers who are discontented and unsatisfied,
either from a real or supposed injury in their appoint-
ments from the different States, should be reconciled ;
that recruiting may go on with spirit ; that there should
be an augmentation of our force, and a larger train of
artillery.
" Effectually to remedy those evils and oppose the en-
emy ; to put the recruiting service in a favorable train ;
to establish the artillery and elaboratory upon a proper
19
290 LIFE OF NATIL\NAEL GREENE. [1776.
footing ; to check the disafFected and call out assistance ;
to give a currency to the Continental money, and form
the necessary magazines, — greater powers must be lodged
in the hands of the General than he has ever yet exer-
cised. It is impossible, in his present situation and the
short time he has to prepare for the ensuing campaign,
for him to be in readiness so early as General Howe will
take the field, unless you delegate to him full power to
take such measures as he may find necessary to promote
the establishment of the new army. Time will not ad-
mit nor circumstances allow of a reference to Congress.
" I can see no evil nor danger to the States in delegat-
ing such powers to the General, reserving to yourselves
the right of confirming or repealing the measures. The
General should have power to appoint officers to enlist at
large. This is no time to be particular about proportions
or attentive to economy. The measure of our force
should be the extent of our funds.
" We have a formidable enemy to oppose, whose prog-
ress can only be checked by a superior force ; and liow-
ever disagreeable the reflections, this is a serious truth,
that the present existence of the civil depends upon the
military power. I am no advocate for the extension of
military power ; neither would I advise it at present, but
from the fullest conviction of its being absolutely neces-
sary. Remember the policy of the Romans, a people as te-
nacious of their liberties as any on earth. When their state
was invaded, they delegated full powers to exert their
whole forces. The state of war is so uncertain, depend-
ent upon so many contingencies ; a day, nay, an hour, is
so important in the crisis of public affairs, — that it would
be folly to wait for relief from the deliberative councils of
legislative bodies. The virtue of the people, at such an
hour, is not to be trusted-; and I can assure you that the
General will not exceed his powers, though he may sacri
irre.] life of nathanael greene. 291
fice the cause. There never was a man that might be
more safely trusted, nor a time when there was a louder
call. If you intend to support your independence, you
must not be too delicate in the choice of means.
" Examples are daily made by General Howe of our
friends who fall in his way, while those who are disaffected
to our cause are suffered to remain in peace and quiet
amongst us. Many who are now well affected will be in-
duced, from the risk and danger on the one side, and the
apparent security on the other, to change their sentiments.
A discretionary power to punish the disaffected is neces-
sary. The militia have refused to turn out when there
has been the greatest want of their assistance, and noth-
ing but such a power can ever compel them. If the re-
fusal of the Continental money, and the withholding of the
necessary supplies from the army, for want of such a
power in the General, are to pass unpunished, the one
will put it out of our power to pay, and the other to sup-
port the troops, and consequently must lay the founda-
tions of all oppositions."
Both letters were laid before Congress on the
26th. A step in the direction which they sug-
gested had already been taken by a resolution of
the 12th, the day of the adjournment to Balti-
more, declaring " that, until the Congress shall
otherwise order, the General be possessed of full
power to order and direct all things relative to the
department, and to the operations of war." ^ After
hearino; Washins-ton and Greene's letters, the sub-
ject of ampler powers was discussed in committee
of the whole, and decided affirmatively on the 2Tth,
1 Journals of Congress, December 12, 1776.
292 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1776.
the second day of the discussion, though by what
majority the meagre journals do not tell.
" This Congress, having maturely considered tlie pres-
ent crisis, and having perfect reliance on the wisdom,
vigor, and uprightness of General Washington, do hereby
Resolve^ That General Washington shall be, and he
is hereby, vested with full, ample, and complete powers
to raise and collect together, in the most speedy and
effectual manner, from any or all of these United States,
sixteen battalions of infantry, in addition to those already
voted by Congress ; to appoint officers for the said battal-
ions of infantry ; to raise, officer, and equip three thou-
sand light-horse, three regiments of artillery, and a corps
of engineers, and to establish their pay ; to apply to any
of the States for such aid of the militia as he shall judge
necessary ; to form such magazines of provisions, and in
such places, as he shall think proper ; to displace and ap-
point all officers under the rank of brigadier-general ;
and to fill up all vacancies in every other department in
the American army ; to take, wherever he may be, what
ever he may want for the use of the army, if the inhabi-
tants will not sell it, allowing a reasonable price for the
same; to arrest and confine the persons who refuse to
take tlie Continental currency, or are otherwise disaf-
fected to the American cause, and return to the States
of which they are citizens their names and the nature of
their offences, together with the witness to prove them.
" That the foregoing powers be vested in General
Washington, for and during the term of six months
from the date hereof, unless sooner determined by
Congress."^
Great must Greene's satisfaction have been
1 Journals of Congress, December 27, 177G.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 293
when he read these resolutions ; and it is impos-
sible not to regret that when he and Washing-
ton met, there was no one by to tell us how cor-
dially they grasped each other's hand, and with
what a clearing up of the brow they sat down to
look over the new field together.^ Of Greene's
feelings some idea may be formed from a letter to
Governor Cooke, which he wrote with a pen still
fresh from the memorable letter to the President
of Congress.
" By your letter to General Washington, I find the
British troops have landed on Rhode Island. Although
I am sorry my own country should be subject to their
ravages, yet I rejoice that they are surrounded by a
people who are united and firmly determined in opposi-
tion. You may be subject to a partial evil, but Amer-
ica cannot fail to reap the advantage. You think you are
greatly infested with the Tories and disaffected, but
there is but the shadow of disaffection with you to what
there is here. The Friends, or Quakers, are almost to
a man disaffected. Many have the effrontery to refuse
the Continental currency. This line of conduct cannot
fail of drawing down the resentment of the people upon
them. The fright and disaffection was so great in the
Jerseys, that, in our retreat of one hundred and odd
miles, we were never joined by more than a hundred men.
I dare say, had that army been in New England, we should
not have been under the necessity of retreating twenty
miles. We are now on the west side of the Delaware ;
our force, though small, collected together. But, small as
it is, I hope to give the enemy a stroke in a few days.
1 How the army viewed this Dictatorship may be seen in Thacher's Mili-
tary Journal, p. 74.
294 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1776.
Should fortune favor the attack, perhaps it may put a
stop to General Howe's progress. His ravages in the Jer-
seys exceeds all description, — men slaughtered, women
ravished, and houses plundered, little girls not ten years
old ravished, mothers and daughters ravished in the
presence of the husbands and sons who were obliged to
be spectators to their brutal conduct.
" I think, notwithstanding the general disaffection of
a certain order of people, the army will fill up. Should
that bo the case, nothing is to be feared.
" By a vessel just arrived from France with a valuable
cargo, we learn a French war is inevitable.
" Short enlistments has been in a great measure the
source of all the misfortunes that we labor under, though,
thank God ! but few to what we at first expected. The
Congress, in the infancy of politics, could not be brought
to believe many serious truths. By attending to specula-
tive principles, rather than real life, their maxims in war
have been founded in folly. However, experience ripens
judgment, and enables to correct many an error in busi-
ness that, at first, we could not conceive of ; and I don't
doubt the Congress, in time, will be as able politicians
in military matters as they are in civil government.
" The Eastern delegates made application to General
Washington for me to come to Rhode Island. But the
General would not consent. He thinks more is to be
trusted to the virtue of your people than to the force of
this country. As the enemy have got possession of Rhode
Island, and done all the mischief they can, it will not be
bad policy to let them remain in quiet until spring. To
attempt any (thing) against them, unless you are sure of
success, will be a very dangerous manoeuvre. 'T is an
endless task to attempt to cover all the country. You
must drive back the stock from the shores, and make a
disposition to cover capital objects ; by too great a division
1776.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 295
of your force, you'll be incapable of making any consider-
able opposition whenever they may think proper to make a
descent. But it is my opinion they will be peaceable if you
will ; for, from the best accounts we can get, they consist
of the invalids of the army. They may attempt to plun-
der the shores, but nothing more than that, this winter ;
for I am confident they have no hopes of penetrating into
the country. If they make any descent, it will be against
Providence, to seize the stores and burn the town. This
is very probable, as the Tories will endeavor in Newport
to spirit them on to such an attempt ; but, unless it is
already done, you have nothing to fear.
" I am told some malicious reports propagated indus-
triously about me, respecting the loss of the baggage and
stores at Fort Lee. They are as malicious as they are
untrue. I can bring very good vouchers for my conduct
in every instance, and have the satisfaction to have it ap-
proved by the General under whom I serve. Everything
was got off from that place that could be, with the roads
and wagons we had to move the stores with. The evacua-
tion of Fort Lee was determined upon several days before
the enemy landed above us, and happily all the most
valuable stores were away. The enemy's publication of
the garrison and stores there taken is a grand falsehood.
Not an article of military stores was left there, or nothing
worth mentioning.
" The Congress have removed to Baltimore. General
Spencer and General Arnold are coming to take the com-
mand at Rhode Island. Arnold is a fine, spirited fellow,
and an active general.
" I hope they '11 keep the enemy at bay."
CHAPTER XIII.
Washington's Confidence in Greene excites Jealousy. — Charles Lee.
— Greene's Share in the Jersey Campaign. — Surprise of Trenton.
— Letters. — Greene in Favor of following up the Surprise. — The
Assanpink. — Princeton. — March to Morristown.
IT was hardly possible to stand so high as Greene
was known to stand in the confidence of the
Commander-in-chief, without exciting some feelings
of envy. How bitter these feelings became in the
sequel we shall see when Conway's Cabal comes to
light. Meanwhile, in this as in other evil things,
Charles Lee took the lead ; beginning by an artful
misuse of the alleged discontent occasioned by
some of Greene's recommendations for commissions
in the Rhode Island line, in the hope of shaking
Washington's confidence in his disinterestedness,
and closing by an artful appeal to Washington's
self-esteem, in order to shake his confidence in his
judgment: "0 General! why would you be over-
persuaded by men of inferior judgment to your
own ? " ^ Reed, too, who appears at this time to
have looked up to Lee with a confidence which he
lived to regret, uses nearly the same words in a
letter of the 22d of December : " Allow me to
1 Lee to Washington, November of the Revolution, Vol. L p. 306.
18, 177C, Sparks's Correspondence See also si//j., p. 231.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHA2JAEL GREENE. 297
hope that you will consult your own good judg-
ment and spirit, and not let the goodness of your
heart subject you to the influence of opinions
from men in every respect your inferiors." ^ ^ow
far Lee was sincere in his opinion it would be use-
less to inquire ; but we cannot forget that at this
very time he was writing to Gates, that " a certain
great man was damnably deficient." ^ But of the
sincerity which led to Reed's suggestion there is
no reason to doubt. A more intimate acquaintance
with Greene soon led him to change his opinion,
and made him, in the end, one of his most trusted
friends and warmest admirers.
It is evident, from Greene's letter to Governor
Cooke, that Washington was unwilling to separate
himself from so trusty a counsellor at so trying a
moment. But, honorable as this circumstance was
to his character, and gratifying as it must have
been to his feelings, it was most unfortunate in its
bearing upon his place in history. In a separate
command, his opinion and advice would have been
given in writing, and we should have been able to
ascertain with precision the plans that he proposed
and the measures that he suggested. How freely
he would have written, we see by his letter of the
7th of December, from Princeton ; ^ and it is but
fair to suppose that in that daily personal inter-
course with the Commander-in-chief, which con-
1 Life and Correspondence of Presi- tain great man is most damnably
dent Reed, Vol. L p. 272. deficient." — Wilkinson, Memoirs,
2 Letter from Baskingridge, De- Vol. I. p. 108.
cember 13, 1776 : " Entre nous, a cer- ^ Sup., p. 282.
298 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1776.
tiiiued unbrolven through the whole of this winter
campaign, he spoke as fully and as freely as he
wrote. We know, indeed, by Hamilton's express
testimony, that he had a share in the " formation,"
as well as " in the execution, of the plans " which
changed so suddenly the whole aspect of the war.^
But this is all that we know ; and, without ventur-
ing to claim for him the original suggestion of the'
brilliant attack upon Trenton, or the still more
brilliant advance upon Princeton, we must be sat-
isfied with the uncontested flict that he took a
prominent part in the execution of both.
It was never Washington's intention to permit
the enemy to keep undisturbed possession of the
Jerseys; but where and when to strike the first
blow was a question of no little difficulty. When
Greene wrote to Governor Cooke, " I hope we shall
give the enemy a stroke in a few days," he evi-
dently says what he and Washington had already
said to each other. Nor is it probable that either
of them waited for Eeed's letter of the 22d, in
order to perceive the advantage of an attack upon
Trenton : — ^
" If your business at Newtown will permit," Greene
writes to Colonel Biddle on the 24th, " I should be glad
to see you here. There is some business of importance
to communicate to you, which I wish to do to-day. No
butter, no cheese, no cider, — this is not for the lienor of
Pennsylvania. Colonel Griffin is at Mount Holly, col-
1 Hamilton's Eulot,'ium on Greene, ^ See Heed's Life and Correspond-
delivered before the Cincinnati, ence, Vol. L p. 271.
Works, Vol. II. p. 480.
1776.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 299
lecting great numbers of the Jersey troops ; they have
drove the Hessians and Highlanders many miles. Yester-
day a great firing was heard there ; the consequence I
have not learned."
The business of importance was evidently the
attack upon the Hessians at Trenton, now fully
matured, and although carefully kept secret, yet a
secret which Biddle's duties required him to know.
In the attack, Greene commanded the left wing
and Sullivan the right. Washington, Stirling, and
Mercer were with Greene, St. Clair with Sulli-
van. Greene's column, which marched by the
upper or Pennington road, reached the point of
attack three minutes before Sullivan's, and, divid-
ing, entered the town by two streets, one of which,
Queens, now bears his name, — the only public
record of his part in the battle : — ^
" Before this reaches you," he writes to his wife from
Trenton, on the 30th, " doubtless you will hear of the at-
tack upon this place. We crossed the river Delaware at
McKonkee's ferry, eight miles above this place, on the
25th of this instant, and attacked the town by storm in
the morning. It rained, hailed, and snowed, and was a
violent storm. The storm of nature and the storm of the
town exhibited a scene that filled the mind during the
action with passions easier conceived than described.
The action lasted about three quarters of an hour. We
killed, wounded, and took prisoners of the enemy between
eleven and twelve hundred. Our troops behaved with
great spirit. General Sullivan commanded the right
wing of the army, and I the left.
1 Gordon, Vol. II. p. 395.
300 LIFE OF NATHAJ^AEL GREENE. [1776.
" This is an important period to America, big with great
events. God only knows what will be the issue of this
campaign, but everything wears a much better prospect
than they have for some weeks past. The enemy are
collecting their forces at Trenton, whether they mean to
attack or to act upon the defensive.
" I am well in health, and hope to continue so. In a
few weeks I hope to have a fine army together. I ob-
serve the enemy have got possession of Newport, and
Joseph Wanton proclaimed Governor. I am sure the
enemy cannot penetrate the country in New England as
they have done here.
" Should we get possession again of the Jerseys, per-
haps I may get liberty to come and see you. 1 pity your
situation exceedingly ; your distress and anxiety must
be very great. Put on a good stock of fortitude. By the
blessing of God I hope to meet again."
When the battle was over, Greene went with
Washington to visit the dying Eahl. What shall
be done next ? was now the question,
Greene w\as for following up the surprise of
Trenton by a rapid pursuit of the enemy, and an
immediate attack upon their other posts. But
Knox was the only officer who agreed with him,
and Washington, not yet feeling himself justified in
overruling the opinion of a majority, reluctantly
accepted its decision. " He has since regretted,"
writes Gordon, " his not seizing the golden oppor-
tunity." 1
" The year '76 is over. I am heartily glad of it,
and hope you nor America will ever be plagued
w^ith such another," writes Robert Morris to Wash-
1 Gordon, Vol. II. p. 396.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 301
ington on the 1st of January, 1777.^ But the cam-
paign was not over. The country had been roused
by the surprise of Trenton, but it was necessary
to prevent it from relapsing into the despondency
of November and December. The enemy had
been startled ; it was necessary to turn their alarm
into fear. Washington resolved to follow up the
blow, and before his troops, most of whose terms of
service were just expiring, left him, strike another,
and, if possible, a decisive one, for the deliverance
of the Jerseys.
On the 28th Greene recrossed the river with
three hundred militia.^ On the 30th Washington
crossed with the Continentals. By personal appeals
and the promise of ten dollars bounty, most of the
Eastern men were prevailed upon to engage for six
weeks longer ; though many of them, if Gordon's
information was correct, stayed only long enough to
secure their money.^ The forces under Cadwalla-
der and Mifflin, about three thousand six hundred
in all, were called in from Crosswicks and Borden-
town, reaching Trenton by a night march on the
morning of the 2d of January. The poor fellows
had hardly got out their camp-kettles, and kindled
their fires, with the prospect of a quiet meal and a
few hours' rest under the very same roofs which the
week before had sheltered the Hessians when the
drum beat to arms, and they were hurried forward
to meet the enemy, who was advancing under
1 Sparks's Coirespondence of the ' Gordon, Vol.11, p. 398; Wash-
Revolution, Vol. I. p. 316. ington to President of Congress,
■ 2 Gordon, Vol. II. p. 398. Works, Vol. IV. p. 254.
302 LIFE OF NATHAJI^AEL GREENE. [1777.
Cornwallis by the old road from Princeton.^ Some
hours were passed m skirmishing, when Greene
was ordered up with a strong detachment to the
support of the advance. " I remember him/' one
of the soldiers of that day told me, in 1850,^ " dash-
ing up to the company I was in " (his own Rhode-
Islanders, under Hitchcock, who had been with him
from the beginning), " and calling out in a clear,
loud voice, ' Push on, boys ! push on ! ' "
But the pressure was too severe, — eight thou-
sand disciplined men moving resolutely forward
upon five thousand weary Continentals and militia.^
Still the retreat through the town was obstinately
contested. The only passage to the main body
was by a bridge over the Assanpink. On the east
end Washington sat watching the progress of the
conflict, with a " firm, composed, and majestic coun-
tenance," which the men looked on as they passed,
and grew strong. His noble horse, pressing the
railing with his broad breast, seemed conscious,
thought the soldier who lived to tell the story, that
" he too was not to quit his post and station." * As
soon as all were safe over, the cannon, which had
been drawn aside to let the troops pass, were again
brought into position, and, opening a well-directed
fire, checked the enemy's advance. For a while
the evening shadows, that were fast settling over
the landscape, were lighted up by the flames from
1 Stone's Life and Recollections of their comparative strength. Memoirs,
John Howland, p. 72. Vol. I. p. 135.
2 John Howland. * Stone's Howland, itt sup.
8 Tliis is Wilkinson's estimate of
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 303
the muzzles of the guns, as cannon-ball and mus-
ket-ball darted forth on their deadly^ errand. But
soon the useless cannonading ceased ; and both ar-
mies, separated only by the slender current of the
Assanpink and the little hamlet of Trenton, not
over a thousand yards in all, prepared themselves
for a watchful night and bloody morning. The
Americans gathered eagerly round their watch-
fires, feeding the welcome tlame with cedar rails
from the neighboring fences.^ As yet the weather
■was mild, and the ground, freed from the recent
frost, soft and wet.
Meanwhile, Washington summoned his officers
to council, at the head-quarters of St. Clair, his
own being now in the hands of the enemy. "What
shall we do ? Shall we retreat down the Delaware,
on the Jersey side, and cross it over against Phila-
delphia; or shall we remain where we are, and
try the chances of a battle ? " Each course had its
advocates, when a voice was heard, saying, " Better
than either of these, let us take the new road
through the woods, and get in the enemy's rear
by a march upon Princeton, and, if possible, on
Brunswick even." From whom did this bold sug-
gestion come ? St. Clair claimed it as his ; and
why should the positive assertion of an honorable
man be lightly called in question ? ^ But whose
1 " The evening was so far ad- ^ Qlney's narrative in Williams's
vanced that I could distinguish the Life of Olney.
flames from the muzzles of our mus- ^ See St.[Clair's Narrative, p. 242 ;
kets." — Wilkinson, Memoirs, Vol. Wilkinson, Vol. I. p. 140 ; Gordon,
L p. 138. Vol. IL p. 400.
304 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
ever it was, it was the inspiration of true genius,
and was promptly accepted by all.
When the council broke up, a sudden change
had taken place in the weather. The mist which
had hovered over the landscape all through the
day had disappeared ; and, though the night was
very dark, the sky was cloudless. There was no
wind, but the air was piercing cold, and the ground
had already frozen hard enough to bear the heaviest
weight without yielding.-^ All along the American
line the fires were blazing brightly ; and the half-
clad men. heaping the wood upon them with liberal
hands, crouched behind them, unseen of the enemy,
and ate their scanty suppers, thinking anxiously on
the morrow.
It was soon time to begin the critical movement,
on which their safety, and the war itself, depended.
First, the baggage guard was summoned, and the
baggage silently sent off towards Burlington. Then
a strong fatigue party was set to work on an in-
trenchment near a mill, and so close to the enemy's
lines, that they must have heard the heavy blows
of pickaxe and spade upon the frosty ground, and
almost have counted the falling of each frozen clod^
as it was thrown into its place. If there were
spies there, they probably hurried back to Com-
wallis, and told him that he might sleep quietly till
morning, for the Americans were determined to
hold their ground. And thus the night wore
slowly on. Some laid them down in their places,
1 Gordon, Vol. I. p. 400; Wilkinson, Memoirs, Vol. I. p. 140.
1777.] LIFE OF NATH.iNAEL GREENE. 305
and slept ; some sat talking by the fire ; some, per-
haps, were busy with their arms, which they ex-
pected soon to put to use. Midnight came. The
guards at the bridge, and at the upper passes, were
doubled, and received their last orders. The fires
were heaped up anew, and the drowsy British sen-
tinels, as they looked across the narrow interval of
flickering light and shade, and saw how cheerfully
they blazed, may have said to themselves, " Do
those rebels know what we are preparing for them
to-morrow?" Little did they think that, behind
that wall of flame, their skilful enemy was cau-
tiously filing off into the dark wood, and turning
his steps towards another victory. The order to
move was given in so low a voice, that some offi-
cers were, for a moment, at loss which way they
were to go. The road was newly cut, and rough
with stubs, too low to be seen by starlight, but high
enough to catch and bruise the men's feet, as they
marched, — half-shod feet, we must remember, —
and whose track, a few days before, Wilkinson tells
us, he had traced for miles by their blood on the
snow.-^ The slow pace of the artillery compelled
the ranks to move slowly, and frequently to halt ;
and as they halted, "two or three men in each
platoon would be seen standing, with their arms
supported, fast asleep." Then the order to move
on would come ; and as the sleepers, rousing them-
selves, and pressed by the platoons from behind,
1 Wilkinson Memoirs, p. 127.
20
306 LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. [1777.
attempted to move, they would often strike against
a stub, and fall.^
Day dawned upon them clear, and very cold.
The sun rose as they were approaching a hill near
Princeton ; and as its rays fell upon it, Wilkinson,
who was with the advance, thought that he saw a
Hashing along its ridge, as of burnished steel. " It
must be the enemy," said he, " for the muskets of
our poor fellows have no burnish to them." Harri-
son — Washington's secretary — w^as near him, and
he called to him to observe it. But when he looked
again, it was gone ; and presently two horsemen
were seen to leap a fence, ride forward a little
ways, reconnoitre, and then spur back with their
tidings. The enemy was indeed at hand ; and in
the short, sharp conflict which followed I catch but
a single glimpse of Greene in an anecdote, which I
will not vouch for, but which, as I read it, recalls
to my mind a passage in one of his letters to Gov-
ernor Cooke. In a charge, an officer by his side
suddenly reigned up his horse to avoid passing
over a human body. " On, sir," said Greene, sternly ;
" this is no time for stopping."
Thus far, Washington's bold strategy had suc-
ceeded. The road to Brunswick was open. Lee
was there ; other prisoners were there ; abundant
stores and supplies were there ; and there, too, was
the military chest, with seventy thousand pounds
in hard money. To seize these had formed a part
of Washington's original plan ; and as he halted
1 Stone's Howland, p. 75.
I
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 307
with several of his general officers at the forks in
the Kingston road, while his victorious but weary
troops were filing off towards Rocky Hill, there
was a general cry, " 0 that we had five hundred
fresh men to beat up their quarters at Bruns-
wick." ^ " It would have put an end to the war,"
says Washington, sadly, in a letter to the President
of Congress.^ But the five hundred fresh men
were not there, and in their stead was an army
worn down by hunger and fatigue.
It was now that the happy resolution was
adopted of proceeding to Morristown, and fixing
winter quarters there. Knox, according to Gor-
don, suggested it; St. Clair, according to AVilkin-
son.^ Greene, who, being with the advance, had
not been present at the discussion, had taken the
Morristown road of his own accord, before the de-
cision was known.* That night the troops biv-
ouacked at Somerset Court-House, many of them
lying on the frozen ground without blankets.^ On
the 6th they reached Morristown, wayworn and
destitute, but victorious. The Revolution was
saved.
1 Wilkinson, Memoirs, p. 148. * Gordon, ut sup.
2 Sparks, Vol. IV. p. 261. ^ Stone's Howland, p. 77 ; Wil-
3 Gordon, Vol. II. p. 402; Wil- kinson, p. 148.
kinson, p. 149.
CHAPTER XI y.
Effect of Success on the Country and the Army. — Position of the
Army. — Recreations of Winter Quarters. — Washington's An.xicty.
— Greene shares it. — State Rights. — Death of Colonel Hitchcock.
— Greene's Regret for the Loss of Mercer. — Greene in want of a
Horse. — Expects Active Work. — Difficulties in Raising the New
Army. — Correspondence with Governor Cooke. — Defends Wash-
ington. — Letters and Extracts. — Change Produced on the Charac-
ter of the War by the Declaration of Independence. — Bounties. —
Inoculation. — Delays caused by a Weak Government.
'VY/'ITH lightened hearts, though weary Hmbs, the
^ ' patriot army wound its slow way through the
rough mountain passes which lead from the banks
of the Raritan to the little village of Morristown.
Wonderin": and admirino; must the inhabitants
have looked upon them, and listened to them, as
they told how within ten days they had crossed
the Delaware three times, had fought the Hessians
once and the British regulars once, and defeated
them both ; had stolen a night march upon the
active Cornwallis, and checked in mid career the
course of rapine and outrage which had marked
the English occupation of the Jerseys. And now
the choice of continuing the winter campaign, or
of lying still and recruiting their exhausted
strength, rested with them ; for betwixt them and
the seaboard lay, like a fortress with its walls and
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 309
moat, part of the tortuous course of the Passaic,
and three chains of sharp and rugged hills. Their
new cantonment itself was on high table-land, with
steep slopes on two of its sides ; and the bold ridge
of Thimble Mountain casting its shadows upon it
from the west. They could look down as from a
watch-tower on the lowlands, where their enemy
lay ; but no enemy could reach them without for-
cing his way through rugged passes, and exposing
himself at every step to the deadly aim of well-
trained marksmen. Forage was abundant, and
within easy reach; provisions, though less abun-
dant, yet enough so to carry them comfortably
through the winter ; and the air, though cold, was
pure and healthy. It was the second winter en-
campment of the war ; many of the men, and
still more of the officers, had already served two
campaigns together. Faces had grown familiar,
and characters were fast becoming known in
their weakness and in their strength. And for a
softening background to the picture, as the army
settled down in its quarters, Mrs. Washington
came to camp ; and other ladies joining their hus-
bands, a little winter circle was formed, lil^e the
winter circle of Cambridge. There were sleigh-
rides over the crisp snow, and dinner-parties at
head-quarters, and now and then a subscription
ball ; and always hospitable firesides, where the
grave and thoughtful could talk of their hopes
and fears by the blazing hearth, and the young
and cheerful play merry games. Greene's share
310 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 11777.
in these enjoyments w«is not what he would have
wished it to be ; for his wife was unable to join
him till the winter camp was broken up, and the
new campaign about to begin.
But his intimacy with Knox grew closer every
day, and Hamilton's entrance into Washington's
family added materially to the pleasure of his in-
tercourse with head-quarters.
" I lodge," he writes to his wife, " at Mr. Hoffman's,
— a very good-natured, doubtful gentleman. He has a
charming wife, a great lover of the clergy. Major
Clarke, one of my aide-de-camps, is eternally perplex-
ing her with doubts and difficulties, by dark hints and
oblique insinuations respecting the purity of manners
and principles of the Church of England
" The smile of Heaven has changed the face of affairs.
Respect and courtesy flow in upon us from all quarters.
This is a picture of human life. I see the difference
betwixt moving on with the tide of success, or sinking
under a load of misfortunes." ^
For Washington the problem was still the same
as that of the winter before Boston, — to mask his
weakness by " a good face and false appearances." ^
Here, too, he had a new army to raise, an old army
to disband, raw recruits to drill, the spirits of the
country to keep up by expeditions and skirmishes,
the enemy to harass by cutting off their foraging
parties and beating up their quarters, and grave
questions to discuss with Congress for the correc-
1 Greene's MSS. Letters to Mrs. ^ Letter of May 21, quoted by
Greene. Letter of January 20, and Gordon, Vol. H. p. 467.
February 1, 1777.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 311
tion of past errors and the preparation for a more
decisive future. Many new difficulties, also, had
arisen, and some old ones swollen to dangerous
proportions. But at the root of them all was
an ill-timed jealousy of military influence, and still
more avowedly the baneful question of State
rights, which, enfeebling the Congress of the Rev-
olution, reducing to impotence the Congress of
the Confederation, and waging a ceaseless war
against the Congress of the Union, attained, at
last, to the fulness of its maturity as the ally of
slavery in the great rebellion of 1860. The narra-
tive of these things belongs to the life of Wash-
ington, entering into my subject only in as far as
Greene acted with him in them. How far that
action extended it is impossible to ascertain, but
Hamilton suggests that it embraced the most im-
portant events;^ and Greene's letters show that
his thoughts were constantly directed, and with a
singular harmony of judgment and feeling, to the
same topics which occupied the mind of his com-
mander, now almost his dearest friend,
" I am exceeding happy," he writes to his wife,
on the 20th "of January, "in the full confidence of
his Excellency General Washington ; and I found
that confidence to increase every hour, the more
difficult and distressing our affairs grew."
One of the earliest associations of this encamp-
ment was a painful one. I have already had oc-
casion to mention, more than once, the name of
1 Hamiltoa, Eulogy on Greene, Works, Vol. II. p. 480.
o
12 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GKEENE. [1777.
Daniel Hitchcock, who had accompanied Greene to
Boston as colonel of one of the three regiments
which formed the Rhode Island contingent. From
that time to this he had continued with the army,
performing, during the last few weeks, the duties
of a brigadier, winning honor wherever honor was
to be won, much loved by his own men, and re-
spected by all. But fatigue and exposure had un-
dermined his health : more than once sickness had
kept him from the field ; ^ and, a few days after
the arrival of the army at Morristown, he died.^
He was buried in what, in the course of the war,
became a populous burying-ground ; and, four
years later, in another burjing-ground, on the
other bank of the Hudson, peopled like this with
the victims of war, his friend and companion of
Ehode Island's first contingent, Christopher Greene,
was buried, as he had been, without any distin-
guishing record from the State they honored, or the
country they served so well. Nor, although Greene
had long ceased to look upon himself as the repre-
sentative of a single State, have I been willing to
pass over the fate of men so closely connected
with the beginning of his military life, without
telling how much he prized their services, and how
deeply he lamented their death.
" He was buried," Greene writes of Hitchcock, "with
all the honors of war, as the last mark of respect we
1 Greene's MSS. Olney's Karra- ^ Stone's Howland.
tive in Williams's Olney, p. 198.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 313
could show him." And following up the melancholy
train of thought which this death suggested, he adds,
" Poor General Mercer is also dead of the wounds he
received in the Princeton action. He was a fine com-
panion, a sincere friend, a true patriot, and a brave gen-
eral. May Heaven bless his spirit with eternal peace!
Several more brave officers fell that day ; particularly
one Captain Neale, of the artillery. The enemy refused
him quarter after he was wounded. He has left a poor
widow over [whelmed] with grief. She is as fine a woman
as ever I saw ; her distress melts the hearts of all around
her Such instances paint all the horrors of war
beyond description."
Greene's own health had not suffered, incessant
as had been his labors, and feeble as he had been
at the opening of the campaign. His equipage
had not fared so well. " I am miserably off, " he
writes to a friend on the ITth of January, " for
want of a horse ; you '11 oblige me very much, if
you can get me a good one." Daily rides over
rough roads and in all weathers wore down his
horses fast; and the way in which he speaks of
them in his letters shows a tenderness for them
which reminds us that with him, as with Washing-
ton, the horse had always been a favorite animal.
But at this moment he felt the want more sensibly,
as he was looking forward to active service. " The
sooner a panic-struck enemy is followed, the bet-
ter," Washington had written to Lincoln on the
7th.^ But, in spite of Washington's desire to push
them, they had had ten days to rest and gather
1 Sparks's Washington, IV. p. 266.
314 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
courage in. " The enemy, for several days past,"
Greene writes on the 17th, " are remarkably still.
I strongly suspect mischief." Awed, however, by
the apparent strength of the Americans, they did
not dare to move out in force ; and although fre-
quent skirmishes occurred between scouts and
foraging parties, in which the Americans generally
had the advantage, Washington was left free to
give his attention almost undividedly to the other
duties of his charge.
The new army was the first ; and here was a new
difficulty at the threshold, for, on adopting the
bounty system, some Eastern States, reflecting that
living was more expensive in their rough climate
than in their sister States, had offered higher
bounties than Congress ^ had done ; and Rhode
Island, alarmed by the presence of the enemy, in-
stead of confining her exertions to the speedy
filling up of the Continental battalions, had " set
on foot two regiments of seven hundred and fifty
men each, and one regiment of artillery of three
hundred men to serve for fifteen months." ^ When
Washington heard this, he wrote to Governor
Cooke, condemning the measure as injudicious, and
injurious to the general interest.^ Three days
afterwards, the 23d of January, Greene, who, be-
sides agreeing fully with Washington, felt that the
1 Sparks's Correspondence of the ^ Bartlett's Tihodc Island Colonial
Revolution, Vol. I. p. 342, contains Records, Vol. VIII. p. 140.
an al)le exposition of the subject by '^ Sparks's Washington, IV. p. 285.
Governor Trumbull, of Connect!- Bartlett, u/ sup., 114.
cut, one of the truly wise men of the
day.
1777.1 • LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 315
honor of his native State was at stake, wrote even
more strongly than Washington had clone : —
" I am exceeding unhappy to hear of your resolution
of raising troops at the expense of the State, before your
proportion of the Continental regiments is completed.
The forming of new regiments only serves to burden the
State, without giving it any additional strength.
" There is not a State on the continent whose interest
and happiness depends so much on a union with the
others as yours. You are the most exposed and the least
capable of making a separate defence ; consequently, it is
your interest to cultivate every measure that may tend to
form the union of strength ; and it must be considered
bad policy to give an example to others, from which you
can derive little or no advantage, and that may prove so
ruinous in its consequences.
" Suppose, for instance, every State was to neglect the
completion of the Continental regiments, and prepare for
their own internal security ? where is the State that 's
able to withstand the enemy's collective force ? If the
continent had troops enough on foot to baffle all the
enemy's attempts, and were located to particular States,
they must inevitably fall a sacrifice for want of a power
of drawing the whole collective force together. You
have no reason to hope, if you neglect the general
interest, and take measures for your own particular
safety, but that others will do the same ; and it is folly
to expect that troops raised for the defence of any par-
ticular State will enter into the service of the States.
In general, it is in vain to expect more of soldiers than
they are bound by contract to execute.
" The source of all our evils has been, by taking meas-
ures from speculative principles, rather than from real life.
The policy of the States has been pregnant with many
o
16 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. ' [177
evils, by rating our patriotism too liigli. This kind of
policy has distressed the army beyond description ; and,
if I mistake not, this measure of yours has a direct ten-
dency to continue things in the same channel ; it may
afford you a temporary relief, but never can remove the
principal evil.
'' Divine Providence has given a very favorable turn to
affairs, and at an hour when people least expected it.
Now is the happy hour to complete the Continental estab-
lishment. Every State to the southward is expecting
itself to fill up its proportion ; not a moment should be
lost. If the regiments don't fill up by voluntary enlist-
ments, they must be drafted. I hope the powers of
government are strong enough to do it. I have not the
least shadow of doubt upon my mind, of the success of
the war, if the different States raise their men ; but on
that the whole depends.
" I hope the cause is not less righteous, nor opposition
less necessary, than it was at the commencement of this
dispute. It was a folly to embark in the cause, and sink
under the weight of a few misfortunes. He that goes to
war and always expects a flowing tide is a novice in the art,
and ignorant of human affairs. Our sufferings, though
great, bear no proportion to our expectations at first.
Our resources are daily increasing ; we have now a fine
nursery of officers, whose judgments are daily ripening
by experience and observation. A systematic plan is
formed for the exertion of our whole strength. Maga-
zines, arms, and military stores of every kind, are form-
ing and formed, to supply the wants of the army. If it
was prudent to engage in this war without any of those
advantages, how foolish must our conduct appear, to
despair at an hour when we have much to hope and little
to fear !
" I must confess I did not expect to find the Americans
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 317
such slaves to contingencies, but more especially New
England, and, in particular, Rhode Island. Such a de-
pression of spirit under misfortunes, and elevation upon
successes, betrays a want of principle and fortitude, that
I would fain flatter myself were the foundation of our op-
position. Let any man examine the history of any war
in Europe, and compare ours with theirs, and see if there
has anytliing happened different from the common course
of events that attend every war. Nay, I think we have
abundant cause to bless God that our sufferings have not
been greater than they have. A general officer is in a
very disagreeable situation ; subject to the censure and
reproach of every little dirty politician, ignorant of every
circumstance necessary to form a right judgment. But
such is the disposition of mankind, that success only
marks the man of wisdom, while the unfortunate are
execrated without any allowances for providential inter-
positions or human accidents.
" I am very sorry to hear of the distraction and con-
fusion that prevails in your councils and public measures.
The liberality with which you confer favors on some, and
fix stigmas on others, must make men of real merit some-
what cautious how they put themselves in a situation
where they may be reduced from the highest pitch of
glory to the lowest state of contempt. It was ever
the policy of the Romans to be cautious whom they
trusted, and how they disgraced those they had once
honored.
" I saw a letter from one Malmedy, a French gentle-
man, to his Excellency General Washington, whom you
have appointed a brigadier-general ; and a copy of a
letter from General Lee, to your State, recommending
him for a chief colonel's commission. General Lee's
letter contains some infamous and very illiberal reflec-
tions upon the genius of all the New England States ;
318 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
however just the obstructions with respect to particular
appointments, 't is certainly very unjust when applied to
the whole body of the people. There are as many men
of spirit, activity, and understanding in New England
as in any part of the world, according to their numbers.
" A novelty of things of foreign growth often makes
us rate them above those of more solid worth of our
production. The gentleman that General Lee recom-
mended may be deserving, and possess every quality as-
cribed to him ; but I must confess that I have not the
highest veneration for the General's recommendation.
His temper scarce admits of a proper medium to form
a just estimate of people and things. His approbation
and execration depend often upon trifles ; besides, the
General don't know the power he has over the Ameri-
cans, and consequently is not cautious enough in his
recommendations not to abuse it.^
" Some amongst you, I am told, -are uncharitable
enough to charge the army with a design of protracting
the war for their own private advantage.^ The bosom
that can liarbor such a thought must be very ill-prin-
cipled, and ignorant of our sufferings. For my own part.
Heaven knows there is not a man in America, that would
more sincerely rejoice at the close of this unhappy dispute
than myself I neither have I a single wish to continue in
service a moment longer than the interest and happiness
of my country require it. I would freely give place to
any man that should be found more deserving. I am
conscious of having faithfully discharged my duty to the
utmost of my power ; and although I have not been able
to command success, I have religiously endeavored to
deserve it. I am happy in the confidence of the General,
whose merit and worth cannot be too highly rated.
1 For further details of this affair, Colonial Records, VIII. pp. Ill, 160,
see Sparks's Washington, IV. pp. &c.
419,422. Bartlett's Rhode Island ^ ggg j^^jams to his Wife, p. 265.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 319
" Yet I am told there are some ungodly tongues among
you (whose greatest virtue don't equal the General's very
vices), who give themselves a latitude of censure.
" Ever since the Trenton affair, we have had a contin-
ual train of successes. The Lord seems to have smote
the enemy with a panic. I wish our strength would ad-
mit a proper improvement ; but our delicate situation
requires the utmost caution and prudence. The enemy
are near three thousand weaker than they were a month
ago.
" Our parties have daily skirmishes, in which we have
been always successful. His Excellency has ordered
General Heath to advance on New York, to co-operate
with us, the result of which I have not learned ; but we
have a rumor it is attended with success. Generals
Spencer and Arnold are with you by this ; I long to hear
of your situation. I expect General Knox will pass
through Providence. I beg leave to recommend him to
your warmest friendship as a most deserving man. His
spirit, military knowledge, and ripeness of judgment is
inferior to very few, if any, in America. I shall close this
long letter with strongly recommending the filling the
Continental regiments immediately."
Greene had written in "the style and freedom of
one friend to another " ; but the Governor was net-
tled, and laid the letter before the Assembly. They
too were nettled, and directed him to write to
Washington and Greene explaining their measures,
and defending the policy of them. The troops,
they asserted, were designed as much for the Con-
tinental service as for the service of the State ; the
difference in time, fifteen months, instead of three
years or the war, being the only difference between
them.
320 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
" I am exceeding happy," writes Greene in repl}', " on
the receipt of yours, to find my information erroneous,
and my apprehensions and fears in a great degree ground-
less respecting your departure from the union and gen-
eral plan.
" At the time I wrote, upwards of two months had
elapsed without (my) receiving a single line from any
person in the State ; various reports were circulating
here to the prejudice of the policy of New England ; the
enormous bounty that was given, the effect it would have
upon the other States, the resolutions of your State to
raise men for its own internal defence, neglecting the
Continental regiments, were circumstances not a little
alarming to his Excellency. Tliese reports were con-
firmed by Lieutenant Allen, of Providence, who arrived
from that place much about the same time. He must
have been totally ignorant of the terms upon which the
troops were raising ; for I conceived them to be for the
safety of the State only, and never knew but that they
were located, until the receipt of your letter.
" I hope the house will pardon the freedom with which
I delivered my sentiments, when I assure them that it
was from a full persuasion that the reports were true,
and that the measure was calculated to fix a lasting dis-
grace upon the legislators. I have felt no small share of
unhappiness in remaining so long ignorant of the true
history of your proceedings ; for, notwithstanding I am
not answerable for any misconduct in legislation, I can-
not help feeling myself wounded when anything trans-
pires to the prejudice of the State ; and you may rest
assured, sir, the language of my letter was a true tran-
script of peo[)le's sentiments and opinions respecting your
political transactions. If the love for my native place, and
zeal for the cause, hath led me to a too hasty animadver-
sion upon administration, it hath arisen from a strong
I
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 321
desire to correct the evil before it was rendered incurable.
.... If you consider the critical situation of the Amer-
ican affairs, the importance of adhering to the general
plan, the short time we had to prepare for the ensuing
campaign, the fatal consequences that might result from
an unseasonable delay to myself, the army, and to the
cause in general, you cannot be surprised to find my fears
and apprehensions alarmed at the disagreeable situation
things were reported to be in Had I known the
governmental regiments differed from the continental
only in point of time, I should have been silent upon the
occasion ; notwithstanding the policy does not correspond
with my sentiments. If the enemy had intended to pen-
etrate into the country immediately upon their arrival,
no new levies could have been raised seasonably ; if they
did not, then the Continental regiments might have been
as easily completed as any others." ^
That Greene was rig-ht in his condemnation of
this policy the sequel clearly showed. "It is also
evident," writes Washington in April, " that the
raising of the Colonial brigades for fifteen months
retards the Continental enlistments."^
One of the strongest passages in Greene's letter
was the reference to the personal attacks upon
Wasliino-ton.
o
" You may be assured," writes the Governor, " that
the subjects of this State have the highest veneration for
the inestimable General Washington, and a becoming
respect for the brave and worthy generals and command-
ers under him, and cannot conceive on what the sugges-
1 Bartlett, E. I. Colonial Records, ^ Sparks's Washington, Vol. IV.
Vol. VIIL pp. 137-211. p. 375.
21
>C
322 LIFE OF NAXIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
tions contained in your letter concerning him are founded,
and request you will give us the authors of such infamous
insinuation, that a proper inquiry may he had, and con-
dign punishment inflicted upon such base calumniators."
" I feel a singular pleasure," says Greene, in his answer,
" in hearing his Excellency General Washington contin-
ues in such higli estimation among you. The strictures
that were made on the General's conduct by some of the
inhabitants of Providence gave me great uneasiness ; if
a character so important, so truly worthy, is not shielded
from calumny and reproach, what have lesser ones to
expect ?
" Lieutenant Allen is the author, and from the char-
acter he bears I make no doubt of its truth ; but had I
conceived my letter was for the inspection of the General
Assembly, I should not have troubled the House with
such out-of-door politics." ^
Allen was called before the Council. " He tells us,"
writes Governor Cooke, " that he informed you that he
had heard nothing to the prejudice of the generals from
any persons of note in this place ; but only mentioned to
you some idle talk of Mr. Man, and some other persons
of much less consequence.
" The Council were convinced tliat he might have given
you quite ditlerent intelligence, from the representation
he made to us of it. Upon the whole, I beg you to rest
assured that General Washington and yourself are at
present very high in the estimation of all respectable
people in this State." ^
" I observe your remarks upon the army on the other
side of the Nortii River. 1 am at a loss whether you
mean to impeach the troops or the General through the
troops. If the charge is against the former, they can be
1 Bartlett, Vol. VIII. ut sup.
'■^ Il.id., p. 216.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 323
of no use to us here, for if they will not fight there,
neither will they here ; but if the charge is against the
General, I would only observe, that, under the cloud of
misfortunes, the same reproaches lay against the Com-
mander-in-chief as now lie against that army. But you
see that time has proved the prudence and wisdom of the
General's delays. I would not be understood to mean
to draw a parallel between the men. I would further
observe, for your satisfaction, that a considerable part of
the troops on the other side are ordered over here, and
are now on their march to join us ; but all this under the
rose. My dear sir, you may rest assured, the routing
the enemy from the Jerseys is a most desirable object with
the General ; but who can form so good a judgment of
the practicability as he who knows the strength on both
sides 1 This is a critical era. The new army in its in-
fancy, we unable to support misfortunes, great caution
is necessary to preserve our standing. Did you but
know the real situation of things, you would applaud the
General's prudence. I shall only add, that nothing but
the fullest conviction of your prudence and zeal would
have induced me to unbosom myself with so much
freedom."
The general whose conduct had been called in
question was General Heath, who had just failed,
and, as some thought, from over-caution, in an at-
tempt upon Fort Independence.
It was about this time that many of the ques-
tions that ought to have been addressed to Wash-
ington began to be addressed to Greene, who, in
his answers, is careful always to put Washington's
name foremost, very much as a Secretary of State
puts foremost the name of the President.
324 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
" Your favor of the 8th and 10th are heforc mc," the
letter to Mojor Caldwell begins. " In answer to your first,
respecting the conditions upon which the light-horse are
to be raised,! can only say the Continental Congress have
not fixed upon any certain conditions : they have the mat-
ter now under consideration. Whatever rank, pay, or
provision is fixed upon for the horse in general, such will
be the pay of the company the Doctor is to raise. His
Excellency desires that he would not get any but good
men and horses ; the horses to be valued, and the men
properly accoutred ; an account of the cost and charges
to be kept, a warrant for the payment of which will be
given. The General is not inclined to raise a company of
light-horse upon the plan you propose With re-
spect to exempting the militia from service to thresh their
grain, General Maxwell can better judge of the propriety
and utility of the measure. His Excellency, therefore,
refers you to him ; but, at the same time, would observe,
as this is a critical period, it may be dangerous to open a
door for the militia falling off. His Excellency thinks we
had better suffer the loss of a little grain than reduce our
strength."
The intimate footing upon which he lived with
Washington appears still more clearly from the let-
ters that passed between them in their occasional
separations. Thus when, in the course of February,
Greene had his quarters for a while at Basking-
ridge, he writes to Washington on the 20th : —
" Your favor of the 18th came to hand last evening. I
shall pay due attention to its contents ; but I fear my
situation is too remote to carry on a communication of
intelligence to advantage. Ever since I have been here,
I have been revolving the matter over and over in my
mind respecting the subject of intelligence.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GEEENE. 325
" Nothing more eligible has occurred than the plan your
Excellency suggests ; but I hope the old channel of intelli-
gence is not yet shut up. Day before yesterday I was at
Boundbrook and Quibbletown ; there I met with Mr. Low-
rey, the commissary, who informed me the same person
that was employed by Colonel Read and Colonel Cox was
expected out that day with intelligence, the purport of
which he promised to forward to you immediately.
" I transmitted a return yesterday by Major Clarke
to head-quarters, with the strength of the brigades,
and the places they are posted at. Lord Sterling
has but few troops in his brigade, except McCoy's regi-
ment, and they are all at Quibbletown.
"Lord Sterling, General Johnson, and myself will en-
deavor to fix upon the best places to collect the troops at ;
little more can be done than agree upon proper alarm-
posts, and make the troops and ourselves acquainted with
the ground. In order to make the troops acquainted
with the ground, I propose to send down scouting-parties
daily, — not so much for the annoyance of the enemy as
to get them acquainted with the ground, and to keep them
employed.
" Should the enemy advance, my plan would be to at-
tack with the light troops on the rear and upon the flanks,
avoiding a general engagement, unless we can attack them
on advantageous ground, where they can bring but part of
their troops to act. I am unacquainted with General Put-
nam's strength ; but if he has any considerable force,
Brunswick should be his object, by all means.
" But I must confess, I think General Putnam is in
much more danger than we. I cannot help still appre-
hending Philadelphia to be their object ; the consequence
to them, and injury to us, is infinitely greater than beat-
ing up our quarters here, and fighting us upon such dis-
advantageous ground.
326 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
" If the enemy have no expectation of crossinjr the
Delaware, I should think they would move toward Tren-
ton, to draw our forces on the flat country : there they
may give us a capital blow, here they cannot ; in the flat
country their artillery is of great importance, here it is
not ; there regular troops can act to advantage, here
they cannot, — at least, they have not that superiority as
they would have there. Our troops are almost all irregu-
lar, and they know it. If they consult their own inter-
est, they will avoid fighting us upon our ground, that we
are acquainted with and they ignorant of. Upon the
whole, I think General Howe will find it difficult to move,
any way ; but if he moves at all, I am confident it will be
towards Philadelphia. But, notwithstanding, I will make
the best preparation our situation will admit. Lord Ster-
ling is going below to-morrow, to endeavor to fix upon
some plan to get intelligence. I will meet General Sulli-
van at the same time, and form a plan for the purpose of
supporting each other.
" We sent down forty wagons after forage yesterday.
Their success I have not yet heard, but they are mostly
returned. This moment the quartermaster came in, and
reports they all got full loads, and have returned safe.
Tliey were within a mile of the enemy's quarters."
It is evident, from the unreserved tone of these
letters, the minuteness of the details, and the free-
dom with which the opinions are uttered, and the
advice given, that Greene and Washington were
living upon very intimate terms. It is evident, too,
that much of their conversation, when together,
must have been equally free and minute, compre-
hending, in its wide range, all the interests of the
army and all the questions of the time. I shall
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 327
follow their correspondence during the rest of this
important year as closely as my materials will per-
mit ; for it was during this year, and more espe-
cially during this winter, that these great men,
applying the experience of their two first cam-
paigns, and calmly weighing the obstacles that lay
in their path, and their means of overcoming them,
were so closely drawn together by a full accordance
of opinions and motives, that smaller minds, both
in the army and in Congress, began to look upon
their union with jealousy, and the enemies of the
one became, henceforth, the enemies of the other.
There was one essential difference between their
present situation and their situation in the camp
before Boston, and a difference widely in their fa-
vor. For then the object of the war was limited
to a redress of grievances ; and those who knew
that their grievances had reached that degree in
which redress is no longer possible, were unable to
prepare for . the long and difficult contest that
awaited them as they would have prepared for it
if the people had foreseen what they foresaw. But
the Declaration of Independence had removed this
stumbling-block from their path, imposing greater
exertions, it is true, but strengthening the hearts
and hands of all for these exertions by setting the
same distinct and definite object before all. It
was no longer a simple question of redress, but the
grand and comprehensive question of nationality.
It was acknowledged now that an army ought
to be raised for the war, and Congress would gladly
328 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
have raised the new army upon that footing. But
they could no longer do this as they might have
easily done it in the beginning. Bounties and
land-grants were now required, — bounties of twen-
ty dollars and land-grants of an hundred acres to
those who enlisted for the war. Even those offers
were insufficient to fill the ranks, and far the larger
portion of the newly enlisted troops enlisted, not
for the war, but for three years, although the bounty
was but ten dollars, and there was no grant of
land. Here, however, a new difficulty arose. Ad-
ditional bounties were offered by some of the
States, Massachusetts raising hers to sixty-six dol-
lars and two thirds. And thus the soldiers of the
army of 1776, who were willing to enter the new
army, instead of taking the Congress bounty, and
enlisting in camp, took out their discharges, and
went home, in order to secure the State bounty by
enlisting there. It is easy to conceive the addi-
tional embarrassment that arose from this want of
concert between the State governments and the
national government. It is easy, too, to conceive
how often Washington and Greene, on whom the
unnecessary burden fell heaviest, must have said to
each other, with anxious misgivings, " When shall
we learn that there is no safety for us but in
union ? " ^
1 See Journals of Conprcss.Wedncs- ington's Works, Vol. IV. p. 316;
(lay, June 26, 1776; Monday, Sep- Governor Trumlmll to Washington,
tcmher 16, 1776; Washington to February 21, 1777 ; Correspondence
Knox, Fthruary 11, 1777, witli a val- of tlic Revolution, Vol. I. p. 342.
uable note by Mr. Sparks ; Wash-
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN.AJEL GREENE. 329
One of the first things that this new army re-
quired was security against the scourge which had
made such havoc in the old, and so often swept
over the whole country with such fearful desola-
tion. The small-pox, in spite of science, confirmed
by experience, was still permitted to hang with a
constant menace over the land, and never so fatally
as where many men were gathered together in
common dwellings. What they became when the
monster broke loose among-st them our own recol-
lections of the cholera will readily suggest. Atten-
tion to this danger, and to inoculation as the only
safeguard against it, had been given, from time to
time, from the beginning of the war, when circum-
stances permitted it. But during this winter, a reg-
ular system of inoculation was instituted, and the
new recruits carried through the disease before they
entered upon active service. One of the districts
for inoculation was at Morristown ; and, in order to
induce the inhabitants to open their doors to the
sick, the army surgeons were directed to inoculate
their families without charge. Never was a wise
and beneficent measure more completely success-
ful.^
In our study of these things we must still bear
in mind that they were done, not by means of the
vivifying energy of a good government, but in de-
spite of the hesitations and delays of a weak gov-
1 Ramsay, History of the Ameri- as his professional tastes led him to
can Revolution, Vol. I. p. 327, whom give particular attention to the sub-
I cite in preference to many others, ject.
330 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
ernment. The machinery by which the work was
accomplished was made while the work was doing;
and even after it had been made, it was often diffi-
cult to keep the parts together. When the hospi-
tals were organized, hundreds that might have
been saved had alread}^ died for want of them.
When the quartermaster distributed the clothes
and shoes, half the army was nearly naked and
barefooted. When the commissary brought in his
supply of provisions, the men were on the brink
of starvation. When the paymaster came round
with money, biting want had already compelled
both soldier and officer to pledge his share in ad-
vance for scarce half its value.
" It is tlie peculiar misfortune of this army," Washing-
ton writes to Greene in May, " to have, generally speak-
ing, the heads of the different depai'tments always absent
when they arc most wanted. Two months was I labor-
ing as liard as I could to get the commissary-general to
this place, and had scarcely accomplished it before the
Congress ordered him to Philadelphia ; from whence I
have used my utmost endeavors to bring liim back, but am
answered tliat he is detained by order. In the mean
while, the army may starve." ^
1 Sparks 's Washington, Vol. IV. p. 437. See also a passage in Vol. V.
p. 314.
CHAPTER XV.
Improved State of Public Feeling. — Successful Expeditions and their
Effect. — Hamilton's Entrance into Washington's Family. — Corre-
spondence with John Adams resumed. — Washington's Opinion of
the Policy of Congress in the Case of General Lee. — Growth of
Hostility in Congress towards Washington. — Greene sent to Phila-
delphia. — Appears before Congress. — Committee appointed to con-
fer with him. — Letters. — Life in Philadelphia. — Returns to Camp.
^T^HERE was one bright side, however, to the
-*- picture of these anxious months. The spirit
awakened by the successes of Trenton and Prince-
ton had not been suffered to die away. " The
Tories are melting away very fast in this country,"
Greene writes to his wife as early as January.
" The different treatment they meet with from the
enemy from what they expect works great ref-
ormations." If the British ventured out of their
stronghold, they were boldly attacked, and gener-
ally with a sufficient degree of success to excite
a desire on the part of the Americans for a fur-
ther trial of strength. Three of these encounters
are recorded in a single letter, — a letter from
Baskingridge of February 24, to Colonel G. Wea-
don, Adjutant-General.
" A large foraging party of the enemy came out yes-
terday from Amboy, consisting of about four thousand ;
our people attacked them with various success. Colonel
Striker says our parties killed and wounded three wagon-
332 LIFE OF XATH.\^^\EL GREENE. ^ ""ITTT.
loads. Eleven was seen dead in one place. The enemy's
cannon gave tlieni a great superiority over our people.
The foraging party continued out till night, and our par-
ties followed tliem towards Aniboy till quite dark. Our
party lost about eight or ten men, whether killed, wound-
ed, or taken prisoners is uncertain. This party took
seven prisoners. The party that made this attack was
from General Maxwell's brigade, Hand's and Striker's
regiment, and part of Colonel McKay's. The attack be-
gan about eleven in the forenoon. I was out from home
at Turkey reviewing one of the brigades, or else I should
(have) sent an express last night.
" Colonel Johnson was down with a party of Maryland
militia, — made an attack upon Piscataway ; he killed
three, and if his men had stood their ground they would
have taken forty men. He formed an ambush, and sent
out a flying party to draw them into it ; it succeeded ac-
cording to his expectation, but his party cowardly deserted
him just as the enemy was in his power.
" General Warner sent out a party last night to bring
off their picket at the bridge. The guide was deceived
in the ground, and led the party between the out-sentries
and the guard. They took two prisoners and drove the
enemy, but what execution was done is uncertain."
The report of encounters like these, amouuting
sometimes, like Dickinson's in January, and Nel-
son's in February, to brilliant captures, was spread
over the country by letters and newspapers, raising
some extravagant expectations indeed, and in so
far acting injuriously upon the public mind, but
generally filling it with hopes that prepared the
w.ay for more vigorous exertion.^ This spirit was
1 Ramsay, American Revolution, ington, Vol. I. p. 140 (revised edi-
Ch. XII. ; Marshall, Life of Wash- tion).
I
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREEST:. 333
fostered also by the cruelty of the enemy, who had
not yet discovered how completely their outrages
durinor the invasion of December had imbittered
the inhabitants against them. '• The enemy," says
Greene, in a short postscript to Colonel Weadon,
" killed two of the inhabitants yesterday because
they did not assist them with their wagons to
carry off their dead. One they shot through the
head, the other they killed with a bayonet."
But another incident of this time, of great impor-
tance to the common cause, but to Greene a bright
gleam of sunshine, ever growing brighter and
brigfhter as the o-eneral darkness thickened, was
Hamilton's entrance into the familv of the Com-
mander-in-chief as aide-de-camp, on the 1st of
March. Hamilton, as has already been seen, had
attracted Greene's attention during the summer of
'76, but, strongly as they were drawn towards each
other, their intercourse had been controlled during
the busy months that followed by their relative po-
sitions and duties rather than bv their inclinations.
Now, however, it quickly ripened into friendship.
Greene was at head-quarters daily, as a counsellor
and friend. Hamilton was always there to meet
him as the confidential secretary of the man the}^
both loved and honored. Their views seldom dif-
fered, if ever, both with regard to persons and to
thino-s, and each found in the other's mind an en-
ergy, an activity, a vigor of grasp, a breadth of com-
prehension, a quickness of conception, and a power
of patient thought, which he recognized as the dis-
334 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
tinctive characteristics of his own. Family tradi-
tion has always represented Hamilton as the object
of Greene's peculiar affection ; and Hamilton, who
lived to put his opinion of Greene upon record,
bore witness to " the enormous powers of his mind,"
under circumstances which would have made exag-
geration a satire.^
It was at this time also that Greene's correspond-
ence with John Adams, which had been interrupt-
ed during Adams's long absence from Congress, was
resumed. It was useful as a means of brin^-ing; his
ideas before Congress, and occasionally entering
a timel}^ protest against injudicious measures. It
was useful, too, as a means of ascertaining the views
of leading men, by eliciting those of a man who, in
despite of his vanity and violent passions, was un-
doubtedly a chief among them. The first of these
letters was written from Baskingridge, March 3d.
" It is a long time since I wrote to you or you to me ;
who stands in debt upon the score of letters I cannot tell ;
therefore I shall begin anew. If you have time and in-
clination, you will give it an answer; if not, I shall con-
sider it as the ladies do their visits after marriage ; if
there 's no return, the acquaintance drops.
" I believe you are pretty well convinced of the truth
of the observation I made to you last summer, whicli was
that you were playing a desperate game. I fancy your
ideas and mine differed very widely at tiiat time respcct-
1 I borrow this expression from one of tlie audience. Surely every
Ilaniilion's Kulo^Mum on Greene, word that was written for such an
protiounced hcfore the Cincinnati audience would be carefully jion-
July 18,1789. Nothing but illness dered. See Hamilton's Works, Vol.
prevented Washington from forming II. p. 482.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 335
inor the state of things. You consulted your own feelings
rather than the history of mankind in general. I am
sensible you have not the most exalted opinions of your
generals. Who is in fault ? Every one would wislj to
be an Epaminondas, Sertorius, or Turenne, if tiiey could,
but if Nature has refused to crown the sons of America
with such choice gifts, who is to blame ? either she or we ?
We cannot be blamable only as we stand in the way of
better men. I can speak for myself, although I have no
wish to leave the service, yet I value the freedom and
happiness of America so much higher than I do my own
personal glory, that I am ready at all times to give place
to a better man.
" I am sensible, from a review of the last campaign,
there appears some considerable defects in the counsels
and conduct of its operations ; but give me leave to tell
you, sir, that our difficulties were inconceivable to those
that were not eye-witnesses to them. To expect that brav-
ery, firmness, and good conduct from undisciplined troops
that is only to be found among veteran soldiers [is un-
just]. General Howe had, the last campaign, a large and
well-supported army ; this army [was] strongly appointed
in all its operations, with a very formidable naval force.
Our forces were hastily drawn together, no time to dis-
cipline or form them, — very few that had ever been in
action. We had the enemy's intentions to collect, a
large extent of country on the bays and rivers to guard.
It is true we have met with some misfortunes, and great
ones too, but not more so than might have been expected,
considering their strength and our situation. Perhaps
the generals may be thought blamable for not fighting
more. I must confess I advised to the bringing on an
action at the White Plains, and then thouglit it right, as
our army was wasting away and the ground being very
strong on which the army lay ; but the discipline of
336 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
the Britisli troops and the superiority of their artillery
might have given a general defeat. In that case, the
consequences would have been terril)le. The alternative
wa§ disagreeable ; if we did not defeat the enemy, the
dissolution of our army was soon to take place and they
left at liberty to range at large. General Howe has
invariably pursued the maxims of an invader, this cam-
paign, endeavoring to bring us to a general action and
avoid skirmishing. General Washington, as every de-
fender ought, has followed directly the contrary conduct
by endeavoring to skirmish with the enemy at all times
and avoid a general engagement. The short term of
enlistment and the still shorter aid of the militia has
lost us almost all the benefit of these skirmishes. Amer-
ica abounds with materials to form as good an army as
the world can produce ; but it requires time, for nothing
but habit makes the soldier, and pride the officer. I am
in hopes, if the new army fills agreeable to the resolutions
of Congress, that America will display in some future
campaign as much heroism and bravery as Europe can
boast of. "With these advantages, if tlie reputation of
the American arms is not supported, let censure fall on
the heads of the guilty. I know that success marks the
man of wisdom, while the unfortunate are execrated
without any allowance for Providential accidents or mis-
fortunes. Let us bury our past errors in the cabinet and
field, and join heart and hand in concerting and execut-
ing the most effectual measures to free America from
her cruel oppressors.
" I beg leave to make some inquiry into the policy of
some late resolutions of Congress that respects General
Lee. Why is he denied his request of having some
persons appointed to confer with him ? Can any injury
arise ? Will it rellect any dishonor upon your body to
gratify the request of one of your generals ? Suppose
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 337
any misfortune should attend him immediately, will not
all his friends say he was made a sacrifice of ? that you had
it in your power to save him, but refused your aid ? He
says in his letter he has something of the last importance
to propose with respect to himself, and adds, perhaps not
less so as to the public. You cannot suppose the general
would hold out a profession to bring us into disgrace or
servitude. If he would, it is certainly our interest to
know it seasonably, that we may not make a sacrifice for
a man that is undeserving of it. If he would not, 'tis
certainly a piece of justice due to his merit to give him a
hearing. To hear what he has to propose cannot injure
us, for we shall be at liberty to approve or reject his
proposition. But let us consider it in another point of
view. Will not our enemies, the disaffected, improve this
report to our prejudice ? They will naturally say, that
General Howe had a mind to offer some terms of peace,
and that you refused to lend an ear or give him a hear-
ing, and that you were obstinately bent on pursuing the
war, although evidently to the ruin of the people. Had
you not consented to hear General and Lord Howe last
spring, the public never would have been satisfied, but
that there might have been an accommodation upon safe
and honorable conditions. For my own part, I could
wish you to give General Lee a hearing. But whether
you give him a hearing or not, I cannot help thinking
the sacrifice you are making for General Lee is impolitic
as respects the Hessians, and unjust as it respects our
prisoners with General Howe. The cartel that was set-
tled between General Washington and General Howe, was
an exchange of officers for officers of equal rank, soldiers
for soldiers, and citizens for citizens. General Howe has
never refused this mode of exchange, and is now press-
ing of us to comply with it. Had we an officer of equal
rank with General Lee, we might demand him with some
22
338 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
propriety, or had we an equal or superior number of
officers prisoners with us, the doctrine of retaliation would
be reasonable and just; but to retaliate for the injury of-
fered to one is bringing distress on many for no valuable
purpose. General Howe has upwards of three hundred of
our officers in his hands ; and we only about fifty of his.
If we put six field-officers in confinement because Gen-
eral Lee is kept confined, General Howe will immediately
order an equal number of ours under the same confine-
ment. The officers themselves will have cause of com-
plaint, and all their friends will clamor loudly. If Gen-
eral Howe should not retaliate upon our officers, but call
them together, show them they are in his power, by us de-
voted to destruction, and then enlarge them, it will totally
detach them and their connections from our cause. If
we make a sacrifice of the enemy, we don't hear the
groans and see the tears of their mourning friends ; but
if any of our officers fall a sacrifice, these multiplied dis-
tresses are amongst us continually sounding in our ears.
But the worst consequences and the most to be dreaded is
the effect it will have upon the Hessians. The mild and
gentle treatment the Hessian prisoners have received
since they have been in our possession has produced a
great alteration in their disposition. Desertion prevails
among them. One whole brigade refused to fight or do
duty, and were sent prisoners to New York. Rancor
and hatred prevails between them and the British sol-
diery. It sliould be our policy to increase this hatred, not
take a measure that may heal the difference. General
Howe has been spreading papers among the Hessians
with accounts of our having sold the Hessian prisoners
for slaves. This severity to their officers will but too
strongly confirm them in the account. If we can alien-
ate the foreign troops from the British service, we inevi-
tably ruin Great Britain, for her own natural strength
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 339
is totally insufficient to conquer and hold in subjection
these States. If the foreign troops that are here can
be debauched, Great Britain must be discouraged from
employing any more, as so little reliance is to be placed
upon them. For these and many other reasons that will
readily occur to you, I would wish the resolution respect-
ing retaliation might be suspended for a time, at least,
especially as General Lee's confinement is not strict.
The situation of our army forbids our doing anything
that may alarm the fears of the people anew. We have
but the shadow of force ; and are more indebted to the
weather for security than to our own strength. I fear
your late promotions will give great disgust to many.
But whatever promotions you intend to make, pray let
them be completed as soon as possible, that those difficul-
ties of reconciling discontented persons may not be at a
time when harmony and concord is necessary. You '11
excuse the freedom I have taken, and pardon what 's
amiss." ^
1 Greene MSS. This is the let- ring a single step of promotion to the
ter which suggested to Mr. Charles service of the public, must be bridled.
F. Adams the following remarkable It is incompatible with republican
commentary : " General Greene con- principles. I hope, for my own part,
tinued to write as he had done the that Congress will elect annually all
year before. He repeated his convic- the general officers- If, in conse-
tion that the game was desperate, quence of this, some great men
though this would make no differ- should be obliged at the year's end to
ence in his resolution to see it out." go home and serve their country in
Mr. Adams's answer contains, some other capacity, not less neces-
among other passages, the follow- sary and better adapted to their
incr : — genius, I do not think that the
" Our late promotions may possi- country would be ruined. Perhaps
bly give disgust, but that cannot be it would be no harm. Tlie officers of
avoided. Tliis delicate point of the army ought to consider that th.e
honor, which is really one of the rank, the dignity, and the rights of
most putrid corruptions of absolute whole States are of more importance
monarchy, — I mean the honor of than this point of honor; more, in-
maintaining a rank superior to abler deed, than the solid glory of any par-
men, — I mean the honor of prefer- ticular officer. The States insist, with
340 LIFE OF NATH.ANAEL GREENE. [1777.
If we turn to Washington's correspondence, we
shall find him writing, on the 1st of March, to the
President of Congress : —
" Though I sincerely commiserate the misfortunes of
General Lee, and feel much for his present unhappy situa-
tion, yet, with all possible deference to the opinion of Con-
gress, I fear that these resolutions will not have the desired
effect, — are founded in impolicy, and will, if adhered to,
produce consequences of an extensive and melancholy
nature." And, on the 2d, to Robert Morris : "I wish, with
all my heart. Congress had gratified General Lee, in his
request. If not too late, I wish they would do it still."
In other letters his language is even stronger,
with regard to Lee; and as to the system of choos-
ing general officers from each State, in proportion
" to the number of men which they furnish, .... I
confess," he writes to Arnold, on the 3d of April,
" this is a strange mode of reasoning." ^
It is evident, from this constant harmony of opin-
ion upon the most important subjects, that Wash-
inscton and Greene were in the habit of discussino;
them together ; and if we would give the power of
great justice and sound policy, on voting in a " warm room," and eating
having a share of the general officers luxurious dinners, the other " freez-
in some proportion to the quotas of ing and starving on a bleak hillside,"
troops tliey are to raise. This prin- — I use Washington's words, — and
ciple has occasioned many of our late remember, moreover, that it was no
■promotions, and it ought to satisfy longer by votes, but by hard fight-
gentlemen. But if it does not, they ing, that the contest was to be dccid-
as well as the public must abide the ed, we may be excused for wishing
consequences of their discontent." that John Adams had never written
When we consider the relative po- these words. See Adams's Works,
sitions of the Congress and the Vol. I. p. 263.
army, and remember their relative i Sparks's Washington, Vol. IV.
duties, — one party discussing and pp. 334,341,342,378.
/
1777.1 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 341
patient investigation and severe examination which
each of them is known to have possessed its due
weight, it is fair to suppose that each brought to
the discussion a full share of independent thought.
It is equally evident, from this and all his other
letters of this period, that Greene was confident
the contest would be successful, if the people did
their duty. "I hope," ends one of his letters to
Governor Cooke, "if heaven continues to smile
upon us, and the respective States furnish their
proportion of men, to exterminate from this land
of liberty those hostile invaders of human happi-
ness and the rights of mankind." ^
It was all-important that the door of Congress
should be kept open for Washington's friends, for
it had been opened very wide to his enemies. The
cabal which reached its height early in the follow-
ing winter had already begun to raise its loathsome
head. And if we follow closely the action of Con-
gress upon the counsels and suggestions of the
Commander-in-chief, we shall discover even in its
own meagre journals the traces of an incipient
hostility. In spite of Washington's earnest and re-
peated representations. Congress had never taken
measures in season for filling up the army, and mak-
ing the necessary appointments. Yet, in February,
while Washington was still holding the enemy at
bay, with a shadow of an army, it did not hesitate
to insert in its resolutions a " pompous paragraph "
about the " earnest desire of Congress to make the
1 Greene MSS. Letter of March 6, 1777.
342 LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. [1777.
army under the iinmediate command of General
Washington sufficiently strong, not only to curb
and confine the enemy within their present quar-
ters, and prevent them from deriving support of
any kind from the country, but, by the Divine bless-
ing, totally to subdue them before they are rein-
forced." Four States were against this paragraph,
six — the four Eastern, with Virginia and Georgia
— in favor of it. What it really meant may be
gathered from a letter of Mr. Burke, of North
Carolina, to the Governor : " There appeared,
through this whole debate, a great desire, in some
of the delegates of the Eastern States, and in one
from New Jersey, to insult the General." ^
It is not difficult to imag-ine how Washino-ton
looked when he handed the letter, with this half-
drawn dagger in it. to Greene, and what a bitter
smile rested upon Greene's lips as he read it.
i' Could I accomplish the important objects so
eagerly wished by Congress," wrote Washington,
in reply, " I should be happy indeed. But what
prospect or hope can there be of my effecting so
desirable a work at this time ? The enclosed re-
turn, to which I solicit the most serious attention
of Congress, comprehends the whole force I have
in Jersey." That force amounted to three thou-
sand men fit for service, two thousand of whom
were mihtia.^
1 Journals of Congress, February ^ Sparks's Washington, Vol. IV.
22, 1777. Sparks's Washington, p. 362.
Vol. IV. pp. 326, .^27, note.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 343
One of the pretexts employed by "Washington's
enemies in Congress was the pretext of State
rights, and Mr. Abraham Clark, a delegate from
New Jersey, came prominently forward, as one of
its earliest advocates. To counteract the injurious
effects of the proclamation issued, on the 30th of
November, by Lord and Sir William Howe,^ Wash-
ington had issued, on the 25th of January, a coun-
ter-proclamation, calling upon all who had taken
out protections from the English general to give
them up, and take the oath of allegiance to the
United States. " The General's proclamation is a
violation of our civil rights," wrote Mr. Clark to
Mr. Dayton. "Each State requires an oath to
that particular State. In many other things the
proclamation is exceptionable, and very improper.
I believe the General is honest, but I think him
fallible." 2
How far Washington was aware of the existence
of this hostile spirit in Congress is uncertain, but
he was well aware that something more urgent
than a letter was required to induce that dilatory
body to hasten its steps. Could he have gone to
Philadelphia himself, laid his plans publicly before
Congress as a whole, and reasoned in private with
individual members, the ascendency of his per-
sonal character might have done much towards
filling the opening breach, and obtaining the neces-
sary action. But he could not leave the army at
1 Force, American Archives, 5th ^ Sparks's Washington, Vol. IV.
Series, Vol. III. p. 927. pp. 297, 298, note.
344 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
SO critical a moment, and therefore, as the nearest
approach to going himself, he sent Greene,
" The difficulty, if not the impossibility," he writes the
President of Congress, on the 18th of March, " of giving
Congress a just idea of our situation (and of several other
important matters requiring their earliest attention), by
letter, has induced me to prevail on Major-General Greene
to wait upon them for that purpose. This gentleman is
so much in my confidence, so intimately acquainted witli
my ideas, with our strength and our weakness, with every-
tliing respecting the army, that I have thought it unneces-
sary to particularize or prescribe any certain line of duty
or inquiries for him. I shall only say, from the rank he
holds as an able and good officer, in the estimation of all
who know him, he deserves the greatest respect, and much
regard is due to his opinions in the line of his profession.
He has upon his mind such matters as appear to me most
material to be immediately considered, and many more
will probably arise during tlie intercourse you may think
proper to honor him with ; on all which I wish to have
the sense of Congress, and the result of such deliberations
as may be formed thereupon." ^
Greene's instructions are dated on the same
day : —
" The necessity of having the Congress well informed
of many matters essential to the well-being of this army,
and the impracticability of doing this by letter, have in-
duced me to request you, who intimately know our cir-
cumstances, to repair immediately to Philadelphia for this
purpose, and, at the same time, ascertain how we are to
be supplied with arms, and many other articles, in which
1 Sparks's Washington, Vol. IV. p. 368.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 345
we are exceedingly deficient. To enumerate the several
matters of information necessary to be given, and the in-
quiries proper to be made, would be as needless as end-
less ; your own good sense, assisted by such hints as you
have received, will be abundantly sufficient,
" Two or three things, however, I must in a more par-
ticular manner recommend to your attention ; one is the
embarrassment I am laid under with respect to carrying
the exchange of prisoners into execution, agreeably to the
cartel settled with General Howe, by order of Congress,
on account of the confinement of Lieutenant-Colonel
Campbell and the Hessian field-officers. I would have
you inquire of the quartermaster-general how he stands
provided with tents, ammunition, ca,rts, wagons for in-
trenching tools, and hatchets, or tomahawks ; also, of the
commissary of stores, how he proceeds with his casting of
cannon and making of cartridges, of which numbers
should be in readiness ; and, generally, what forwardness
the business of the laboratory is in, and urge him to the
most diligent discharge of the duties thereof.
" One thing in particular I beg of you to impress
strongly upon Congress, and that is the necessity of keep-
ing the paymaster regularly supplied with tlie article of
cash ; without it everything moves slowly ; and many and
great disadvantages flow from the want of it, as we have
most wofully experienced of late in numberless instances.
As the establishment of the light-horse, with respect to
the pay, seems to be upon an unstable footing, and it is
indispensably necessary that both officers and men should
know what they have to depend upon, I should be glad if
the pay could be settled upon such a just and liberal foot-
ing as to give satisfaction to the parties." ^
With those documents in hand, and in his mind
1 Sparks's Washington, Vol. IV. p. 367.
346 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
things still more important which it was not
deemed wise to put upon paper, Greene repaired
promptly to Philadelphia. It was his first sight of
the Quaker City, and his first meeting with Con-
gress. " A letter of the 18th from General Wash-
ington," says the Journal for Thursday, March
20th, " brought by General Greene was read : —
" Ordered^ That General Greene attend Congress to-
morrow at eleven o'clock."
Eleven o'clock came, and Greene presented him-
self at the door ; not, however, if we may trust
his well-known habit of turning every moment and
every circumstance to account, without having
talked awhile in the outer hall with members
whom he knew, and sought the acquaintance of
others whom it was desirable to know. Then, with
somewhat of ceremony borrowed from England, he
was ushered into Independence Hall. There, in a
chair raised a little above the others, dignified,
graceful, with a ready smile and a fluent tongue,
sat John Hancock, the first signer of the Declara-
tion. Right below him was a lean man, with deep
wrinkles furrowing his face, eyes that flashed and
sparkled as they looked out from their deep sock-
ets, and lank white hair combed straight down upon
his head, but not lono- enouo;h to cover his ears.
7 DO
The table before him covered with papers, and
the busy pen showed at first glance that this was
Secretary Charles Thompson, whose name stands
second on the Declaration. ^ Greene believed
1 Nouveau Voyage dans rAm(?rique, etc., par iL I'Abbu Robin.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 347
already in union, yearned for it, looking to it as
the only source of strength and peace and pros-
perity. But did not some misgiving rise in his
mind as he turned from the firm Puritan face
of Sam Adams, written all over with I can and I
will, to the You must and you shall that
looked out with equal distinctness from the keen
eyes of the South Carolina Rutledge and the thin
lips of Eichard Henry Lee ? William Ellery sat
in Samuel Ward's place, — a good and a true man;
but did not Greene long for the familiar face of
that wise and upright friend, to tell him what the
lurkmg distrust in the eye of Abraham Clark
meant ? Yet be it mistrust, or caution, or curiosi-
ty, or whatever it might, he was there to do Wash-
ington's will and speak in Washington's name ; and
his heart and mind told him that the salvation of
the country, and all the interests involved in her
holy cause, depended upon his doing both firmly
but wisely. W^hy did not Charles Thompson write
out in full the words that were said during that
two hours' interview ? and why has not some diary
preserved for us the picture of the soldier in his
uniform, returning to his habits as a legislator,
and addressing the national council in the same
straightforward and earnest language with which
he had so often addressed the Rhode Island As-
sembly ? ^ But all that Charles Thompson has re-
corded is, —
1 It is impossible to touch upon and not regret the meagreness of its
any interesting incident in the history Journals,
of the Congress of the Revolution
348 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
" Ordered^ That tlic committee appointed on the 13th
to confer with General Gates do also confer with General
Greene on the several matters given in charge to him by
General Washington, and that three members be added
to the committee.
"The members chosen, Mr. Wilson, Mr. S. Adams,
and Mr. Witherspoon." ^
The members of the first committee were Mr.
Roberdean, Mr. L. Morris, Mr. Sherman, Mr. Whip-
ple, and Mr. Lovell,^ — names that suggest little
as yet, though by winter we shall find Mr. Lovell
writing things which, it may be hoped, he was
soon sorry for. With this committee Greene
passed two evenings in full and free discussion.
One of the subjects he felt most interest in was
the authority of councils of war, which, as the
sequel shows, he did not hold in very high esteem,
never calling them himself except when he had
alread}' made up his mind not to fight. But Wash-
ino-ton, actinii: with that cautious consideration
which his peculiar position required, had thus far
held himself bound to follow their opinion even
where it disagreed with his own. Is this the inten-
tion of Congress ? was the question which Greene
brought before the committee ; and, on their rec-
ommendation. Congress
" Resolved, That General Washington be informed
that it never was the intention of Congress that he should
be bound by a majority of voice in a council of war, con-
trary to his own judgment."^
1 Journals of Congress, March 21, 1777. John Adams has a curious
1777. passage upon this subject in a letter
■^ Ibid., March 13. to his wife. Letter cV. p. 206.
8 Journals of Congress, March 24,
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 349
Before the next year was over, the battle of
Monmouth, fought m opposition to the decision
of a council of war, showed how wise and timely
that resolution had been. In other respects, too,
Greene appears to have had no reason to com-
plain of his committee ; nor, as far as resolves
could go, of anything in Congress itself but its
useless delays. But Congress was, unhappily, far
more skilled in framing resolutions than in car-
rying them into execution, and this it was that
tried so sorely men like Washington and Greene,
full of energy and action. How Greene sped in
all these matters, and what else he did, he tells
Washington in a long letter written just before
his return : —
" I received vour letter of the 21st. I was with a com-
mittee of Congress, who had the business of the cartel
and other matters under consideration, when your Excel-
lency's letter was delivered me. I had explained the
matter fully to the Congress and committee. I was two
hours before the former, and two evenings with the latter.
I believe the business of the cartel will be settled agree-
able to your wishes, that is, General Howe acknowledging
General Lee a prisoner of war, and holding him subject
to exchange whenever we have an equivalent to offer, —
the full execution of the old cartel to take place as your
Excellency and General Howe can agree, with full powers
to annex such further conditions as may be thought ne-
cessary to promote the comfort and happiness of the un-
fortunate. I explained fully the state of the army to the
Congress ; but I fear they can do but little more than has
been done. There has gone from the city about seven
350 LIFE OF NATHAN.VEL GREENE. [1777.
hundred men within the week past, a thousand more will
be ready in eight or ten days. The Congress have wrote
to Governor Johnson to forward the Maryland troops, and
to the Governor of the three lower counties. The Mary-
land delegates which arrived in town last night say their
regiments are above half full, upon an average. It is
reported, with some degree of confidence, that the new
North Carolina regiments are on their march this side of
Virginia, but I have no sufficient foundation for the re-
port to give full credit to it.
" I believe Congress thinks the alteration of the route
of the Massachusetts troops exceedingly judicious. I ex-
plained to the House your Excellency's ideas of the next
campaign. It appeared to be new to them ; however, they
readily admitted the probability from the reasons afforded.
I yesterday went to view the forts and fortifications below
the city. I think them quite insufficient for the purpose,
without a very strong opposition. I have rode round the
city and up the Schuylkill, and give it as my opinion,
that it cannot be fortified to advantage. The approaches
may be made so many ways, that it would take a greater
number of troops to defend the works than it would be
prudent to have shut up in the city. However, I think
an advantageous line may be drawn from the Schuylkill
to the Delaware, beginning at Morris's seat on the Schuyl-
kill, and running from thence to Shippen's, Hubley's, and
Dickinson's country seat over the Delaware. Those posts
would be eligible upon the enemy's getting possession of
tlie city.
" Enclosed is a return of the situation of the quarter-
master-general's department, the wagons, spare carriages,
<fec., not mentioned in the return, are in great forward-
ness, General ^lifflin informs.
" Colonel Flowers returned yesterday from Carlisle,
the place for the laboratory. He has contracted for the
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 351
ground, provided materials, and ordered the necessary
buildings to be erected as soon as possible. There is cast
at this place one twelve-pound, two sixes, and two five-
inch howitzers that are good. They will continue to cast
about two a week. Colonel Flowers is making out a
return of the state of his department ; if he completes it
before this letter goes, I shall enclose it.
" 1 am told by the Congress, the pay and establishment
of the light-horse is completed and forwarded.
" I have impressed upon the Congress, in the strongest
manner I was capable, the necessity of keeping the pay-
master fully supplied with cash. The House requested
estimates. I told them I could not furnish any ; but the
demand would be great, at the opening the campaign,
to pay off the old arrearages and satisfy the new de-
mands.
" There is so much deliberation and waste of time in
the execution of business before this assembly, that my
patience is almost exhausted. I cannot get the resolve
respecting the cartel passed so soon as I want it. I know
your delicate situation, and the anxiety you must be
under.
" I think it is uncertain yet whether General Gates
will serve as adjutant-general. I have directed General
Fermoy to repair to camp. What measures the Congress
will take respecting the rank of general officers appointed
by the States I cannot pretend to say. The subject has
been fully explained to them, and the injury that may
arise from things continuing in their present situation.
" Colonel Cox is gone out of town. Whether he will
accept the appointment of commissary of prisoners or not
I cannot tell. I shall write him upon the subject.
" A brig arrived this day from Nantes. Her cargo con-
sists of two hundred and seventy-two chests of arms,
containing six thousand eight hundred muskets, — sixty
352 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
chests of which, not being proved, the captain says he
cannot so fully engage for their goodness, but the re-
maining two hundred and twelve chests are very fine
proved arms ; also, fifteen hundred excellent double-
bridled gun-locks. When this vessel left France there
were great preparations in that kingdom and Spain for
war, which was expected to be general throughout
Europe.
" Another vessel has just passed up the river from
Hispaniola, deep ladened, her cargo unknown.
" Major Conner, by land from Charleston, South
Carolina, advises of a ship belonging to that State arriv-
ing there eight days before he left that place with a
number of arms, ammunition, &c., and twelve brass
cannon from France.
" Nothing could have happened more seasonable than
these arms, as the Congress have none in store. Colonel
Flowers has about four thousand out of repair, and about
four hundred that are fit for use. The Secret Committee
have given me to understand that a large quantity of
arms, ammunition, and brass cannon are daily expected.
" I shall stay to-day and to-morrow in town, and then
set off for camp, unless I am detained by the Congress."
This was the business side of the mission to Phil-
adelphia. But there was also another side to this
picture ; for Philadelphia had recovered quickly
from the fright of December, and was already gay
and brilliant again. It was not merely staid Con-
gressmen with grave faces that were seen in its
straight and airy streets, but officers with epau-
lets and feathers, and buff facings and rattling
swords, that kept time to their steps, and the step
itself tliat vibratinir, elastic tread which drum and
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 353
fife teach, and, once taught, is never forgotten.
There were foreign officers too, mercurial French-
men, impassive Germans, and here and there a Pole,
sprinlding every tavern and boarding-house table,
standing in knots at the corners or on the side-
walks, but oftenest found and thickest at the door
of Independence Hall, watching to slip a memorial
into the hand of some member of Congress, or to
remind him of some hasty word which had been
twisted into a promise. And in private houses
there were sumptuous dinners served up in choice
china, and now and then on plate, with rich wines
in rare varieties, — such dinners as head-quarters
never saw, though members who had a sure, social
footing saw and ate them daily. And both at the
afternoon board and in the evening dance there
were bright young faces ; and, writes Greene to his
wife, they " appeared angelic." " Attractive scene
of debauch and amusement," is Richard Henry
Lee's description of the Philadelphia of that winter.
" Philadelphia, that mass of cowardice and Toryism,"
writes John Adams. A place of "crucifying ex-
penses," wrote James Lovell, putting his finishing
touch to the picture. To foreboding minds all
this must have seemed a kind of madness, the fren-
zied revel of sailors on a sinking ship, and in this
Philadelphia of March there were some, perhaps,
whose hearts grew heavy with sad anticipations
when they called to mind the Philadelphia of De-
cember, as it appeared to Wilkinson and Gates.
" It was dark," writes Wilkinson, " when we en-
23
354 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
tered Front Street, and it appeared as if we had
penetrated a wilderness of houses ; such was the
silence and stillness which prevailed, that the drop-
ping of a stone would have been heard several
squares, and the hoofs of our horses resounded
in all directions."^
Greene loved society, and knew how to play the
fool in the right place, as we shall see by and by,
and see Washington join heartily in the frolic ; but
this w^as neither the time nor the place, and doing
as quickly as Congress would let him what he
came to do, he gladly turned his face again towards
the bleak hills of Morristown, revolving in his mind
the checkered scenes he was leaving behind him,
and, gathering strength as he crossed the Delaware
to Trenton, and rode over the battle-field of Prince-
ton, and holding his way along the road where a
few weeks before he had tracked the march of his
weary soldiers by blood-prints on the snow, he came
out once more upon that mountain screen, behind
which his beloved commander was thoughtfully
preparing himself for another trial of strength and
skill with his powerful adversary.
1 Richard II. Lee to Washington, ton. Correspondence of Revolution,
Sparks's Correspondence of the Rev- ut sup., 412. Wilkinson's Memoirs,
olution, Vol. I. p. 367. J. Adams's Vol. L p. 127.
Lettcr.=. James Lovell to Washing-
CHAPTER XVI.
Greene's return to Camp. — Birth of his Second Daughter. — Gover-
nor Livingston's Family. — Letter to Mrs. Greene. — Anxiety about
Rhode Island. — Correspondence with Arnold. — Spring. — Army
not yet raised. — Letter to J. Adams. — Doubts and Conjectures
about the Enemy's Plans. — Attempt to surprise General Lincoln.
— American Retaliation. — Plans, Positions, Reports, and Conjec-
tures. — Greene sent with Knox to examine the Passes of the Hud-
son. — Reports and Letters to Washington. — Return to Morris-
town. — Letters to his Wife.
GREENE'S first feeling on returning to camp
was a longing for home. " The great distance
there is between us," he writes to his wife on the
30th, " and the few opportunities I have to hear
from you, leaves me in a very disagreeable sus-
pense. Eight long months have passed amidst
fatigue and toil" (of the danger he does not
speak) " since I have tasted the flowers of domes-
tic felicity." And here " General Knox and a few
others " come in and stop his pen. When they are
gone, he adds, " I have been endeavoring to collect
a few tender sentiments, and to call home my wan-
dering thoughts ; but " they " have put them all to
the rout, and in vain do I endeavor to rally my
ideas."
A few days afterwards he received the tidings of
the birth of his second child, — a daughter.
356 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
" I read the letter," he writes from Baskingridge, " with
a trembling hand. Some superstitious fears had been
hovering round me that something would happen to you.
What gave rise to this troublesome train of visitants I
cannot tell, unless it was the extreme anxiety I felt for
you in your critical situation. Heaven be praised for this
second pledge of conjugal affection ! When I shall see the
poor little [one] God only knows. I am exceedingly
happy at your being at Potowomut, and rejoice to find
the brothers so kind and attentive to your wants. How
shall you or I repay their kindness ? We must leave that
to some after day. Nothing delights me more than to
hear you all live in good-fellowship.
" I am now at Lord Stirling's seat, in a most agreeable
family of Governor Livingston's. There are three young
ladies of distinguished merit, sensible, polite, and easy.
Their manners are soft and engaging ; they wish much to
see you here, and I wish it too ; but I expect long before
that happy moment to be upon the march towards Pliila-
delphia. The enemy, I expect, will advance that way be-
fore ten days or a fortnight at most. If you have an
inclination to come to the westward, bring somebody with
you tliat can take care of you, as it is uncertain whether
I shall have an opportunity to see you at all. I never
wished more ardently to see you in my life than now ;
the hours grow tedious and the heart impatient. Fortune
is rather unfriendly to afford but a few months' enjoyment
for several years' marriage. However, I hope fortune has
something better in store. If not, we must learn content-
ment. Pray is Xancy Vernon and the Doctor become
one ? 1 saw Doctor Young when I was in Philadeljlhia ;
his wife and Suse his daughter, Mrs. Washington and
Mrs. Bland from Virginia, are at camp, happy witii their
better-halves. Mrs. Washington is extremely fond of the
General, and he of her ; they are very happy in each
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 357
Other. General Knox informs me that he and his Lucy
had agreed to visit you at Coventry. The morning was
fixed to set out, but the orders of the General pointed out
a different route."
Another cause of anxiety was, at this moment,
recalling his thoughts to Rhode Island. The pres-
ence of the enemy on the island had excited at
first a general alarm, which was presently followed
by a resolution to attack them. Various plans
were proposed, and many letters passed between
Washington and the officers in immediate command
in the State, — Spencer and Arnold. Greene, too,
had drawn up a plan, which he forwarded to Arnold;
but all were agreed that, unless a good and trust-
worthy force could be raised, any attempt, no mat-
ter on what plan, would be highly imprudent.^
No such force could be raised; and yet Arnold
writes to Greene from Providence on the 10th of
March : —
" The wise Assembly of this State have passed a vote,
declaring it disgraceful to the States of New England, and
to this State in particular, and of course to the general
officers of the army, that the enemy on Rhode Island have
remained so long unmolested, and have requested and di.
rected General Spencer to attack them immediately, as he
would avoid the anathemas of the Great and General As-
sembly of the State of Rhode Island ; which, being fearful
of incurring, he has, in conjunction with General Cooke,
given orders for collecting the militia, &c. for tlie above
1 See Sparks's Correspondence of Sparks's Washington, Vol. IV. pp.
the Revolution, Vol. L pp. 334, 353. 312, 344.
358 LIFE OF NATTIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
purpose. Included is a copy of votes of the Assembly.
I send it to you as a curiosity." ^
" I am favored with yours of the 10th," writes Greene
from ]\Iorristown, March 30th, in reply, " covering several
resolutions of the Assembly of the State of Rhode Island.
I fear those were hasty measures, — the product of dis-
appointment and vexation, taken without adverting to
consequences. I am very sure their hearts are right, and
their zeal warm, but I fear they do not give themselves
time to deliberate properly. I am sure the House of As-
sembly never meant the resolutions as a reflection upon
the general officers ; neither did they think their neighbor-
ing States might take umbrage at the severity of the re-
proach. The State of Rhode Island may think it a great
misfortune that the troops on Rhode Island have not been
attacked ; but I am far from thinking so, and ever shall
be, unless I can be first convinced of the certainty of the
success of the attack. People that are unacquainted with
military matters and the force of discipline think that
number are sufficient to secure success ; four thousand
troops, well posted, with a good train of artillery, may bid
defiance to three times their numbers, especially when
there is but little order and method and discipline among
the assailants, I wish General Spencer may not hazard an
attack with such troops as you describe ; it is the opinion
of the best military judges we have in the army, that the
chance of an attack is against us. It signifies nothing for
a few spirited officers to rusli upon danger, when they have
little or no hope of being well supported. Spirit is essen-
tial in an officer, but prudence is more so. If you make
the attack, God grant you success ! but I hope General
Spencer will have more prudence than to run any unneces-
sary risk to gratify popular clamor.
1 For votes of Asscml)Iy, see Bart- ters. Greene's MSS. Letters to Gen-
lett's Rhode Lslaiid Records, Vol. eral Greene, Skipwiih Collection, p.
VIII. pp. 154, 155. Arnold's Let- 14,
I
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 359
" I am exceeding sorry to hear that the New England
States are so tardy in furnishing their proportion of men ;
the Northern States are little better. This army wants a
large re-enforcement to open the campaign to advantage ;
fortune favors us with a very seasonable supply of arms.
I hear there is twelve thousand stand arrived to the east-
ward at Portsmouth, and one thousand barrels of powder ;
there is also six thousand eight hundred stand of arms
arrived at Philadelphia, and six hundred and sixty barrels
of powder arrived in Maryland.
" Several valuable prizes have been brought into Balti-
more within a few days past, — two of the enemy's store-
ships, loaded with provisions, bound for New York.
General Gates goes again to Ticonderoga. It is uncer-
tain who commands the north side of Hudson's River,
but I think it probable General Putnam will."
It is almost startling to find Greene and Arnold
writing each other so freely, and with such ex-
pressions of mutual respect. But at this very time,
Washington, too, was writing of the future traitor :
" Surely, a more active, a more spirited and sensi-
ble officer fills no department in your army." ^
And such, indeed, was the general feeling of the
army, fully shared by Greene, who, as they were
very seldom stationed together, had but little per-
sonal intercourse with him, yet continued to be-
lieve in him, and write to him till almost the very
day of his fall.
Spring is come. Washington has worked hard
all through the winter, with voice and pen.
Greene has worked hard, too, sharing all his cares
1 Sparks's Washington, Vol. IV. p. 351.
360 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
and counsels. A new campaign is at hand, but the
work of preparation is not yet done ; and while
they are watching the enemy, holding themselves
in readiness to seize an advantage or repulse an
attack, they must still wait upon the steps of a
dilatory Congress and State governments, too much
absorbed with the care of their individual safety
to provide seasonably for the safety of the whole.
" I am more and more alarmed every day of my life,"
Greene writes to John Adams, on the 5th of April, " at
the local preparations making in the different States for
their own defence, in such a situation as we are in, sur-
rounded with imaginary and real grievances, — claims
made by one State, and refused by another. Men at the
head of affairs full of caprice and humors, poisoned with
little prejudices, and conceited of tlieir own importance,
can easily throw the whole empire into a convidsion, un-
less there is some seasonable check provided to silence
those little differences in tlieir infancy. Human nature
is capable of those ebullitions of folly, and prudence dic-
tates the necessity of providing against them. It is my
opinion, there ouglit not to be any standing troops but
what are on the Continental establishment."
It was late for beginning a principal laboratory,
but the work was still delayed for want of the ne-
cessary orders.
" I have neither seen nor heard any resolution of Con-
gress," he writes in the same letter, " approving or disap-
proving of the Laboratory being fixed at Springfield. If
the Congress approves thereof it will be necessary for
them to say so, there being now an order for its being
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 361
fixed at Brookfield, and the council of the Massachusetts
State commissioned to provide the materials for the erec-
tion of the necessary buildings at that place. Please to
inquire into the matter, and write General Knox upon
the subject ; it will forward the business, if the council
has the same powers with respect to providing materials,
only at Springfield instead of Brookfteld."
The new army ought to have been in camp,
armed, equipped, and well advanced in its drill.
But the new levies not only came in slowly, but
were in part composed of the worst materials for
a patriot army ; " convict servants," whom the re-
cruiting officers, with a disgraceful neglect of duty,
had purchased of their masters.^
Meanwhile, "What will the enemy do?" was the
first question on every tongue, the uppermost
thought in every mind.
" Since my return to camp," writes Greene, in the
same letter from which I have already quoted, " I am
more at a loss to guess the enemy's intentions than ever.
They are fortifying Brunswick. Two spies who'left that
place a few days since say the greater part of the troops
are gone to Staten Island ; drafts have been made from
the several corps. There is a general order of General
Howe's commanding all the officers that are absent from
posts to join the 10th of this instant. It is generally sug-
gested some expedition is on foot. If 't is up the North
River, General Howe is the greatest blunderer of the age
to put us on our guard by such an ill-timed expedition as
they made the other day. If this expedition is to the
southward, his delay has lost him the happy moment ; a
1 Gordon's American Kevolution, Vol. II. p. 467.
362 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
fortnight's delay longer will put it out of his power to do
any great things. If the States furnish their men, and
we have a good train of artillery provided seasonably, and
General Howe don't shut himself up in some inaccessible
post, ten to one but ruin awaits him before fall. But if
every State is at liberty to furnish only a part of their
men, and those at their pleasure, we shall have another
crippled campaign, indecisive and perhaps disgraceful."
A few days later a little light broke suddenly in
upon the scene.
" The enemy made an attempt to surprise General Lin-
coln this morning," he writes to John Adams from Bound-
brook on the 13th of April. " They advanced by three
divisions ; one crossed the Raritan, about a mile above
head-quarters. The second division came in front of the
town ; the third to the left of the town, and crossed the
river called Boundbrook. Besides these three divisions,
there was a corps de reserve commanded by General
Mathews. The patrols and guards posted by General
Lincoln were negligent, or else the Tories, who are per-
fectly acquainted with the ground, brought the columns
in between the patrols and guards ; which of the two was
the cause of the surprise, or whether they both concurred
to produce it, I can't tell. The General had but just
time to draw off the troops from between the heads of
their two flank columns, which kept up a warm fire as
our people passed between them. Our artillery, consist-
ing of three three-pounders and the ammunition belong-
ing to them, fell into the enemy's hands, and most of the
men were made prisoners belonging to the artillery, and
two of the officers. There was about twenty artillerymen
made prisoners, and about forty battalion men killed,
wounded, and missing. General Lincoln had one aide-
I
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 363
de-camp made prisoner, and lost almost all his papers.
This is a great misfortune, as it will inform the enemy
of many disagreeable circumstances. The enemy were
supposed to be between four and five thousand strong at
least. General Lincoln had about five hundred conti-
nental and militia troops. The action began about five
o'clock. The enemy's loss must be considerable. Colo-
nel Butler, with about three hundred excellent marksmen,
had a good fire upon one of the heads of their columns for
a considerable time. I am posted at Baskingridge, about
twelve miles from this place. The enemy had evacuated
the town before I got there. They held it about an hour.
.... This opportunity presented to write, and as it 's un-
certain whether the General's express will reach the city as
soon as this gentleman, I thought proper to write to you."
When the circumstances became fully known, it
was ascertained that no blame could attach to
General Lincoln.
It " was owing to the valorous conduct of the militia,"
says Greene, in a letter of the 20th to a friend, " who
were posted at a fording-place on the Raritan. They de-
serted their post without giving the General the least
notice I marched from Baskingridge upon the first
intelligence ; but the distance was twelve miles, and the
enemy had retreated before I got down." " The British
Generals" (Oornwallis and Grant), he writes to his wife,
" breakfasted, and I dined, at the same house the same
day. This is the state of war."
The Americans were not disposed to put up with
the insult.
"• The next night," he continues, " we surprised one of
their pickets, killed one officer and seven privates, and
364 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
took sixteen prisoners." Tliey would gladly have done
more. " I returned to this place last night," he writes to
Lincoln from Morristown on the 19th. " Upon examijiing
tlie condition of our posts and those of the enemy, from
the intelligence of the enemy's strength and situation,
and the weak state our advance posts were in, I find it
impossible to make an attack upon the enemy with any
probability of success. General Maxwell and General
Stevens are of the same opinion. The latter wrote to
General Washington this morning, that he had intelli-
gence of the enemy's making some new disposition.
' The regiment of Guards are ordered up from the land-
ing to Bonumtown, when the enemy will have their
principal force assembled thereabouts, viz. the thirty-
third, second battalion of the seventy-first light infantry
from Rhode Island, and the forty-second, and I believe
the grenadiers, who came from Rhode Island.' This is
an extract from General Stevens's letter, who is of opin-
ion that there will not be left above one thousand six
hundred men at Brunswick and the landing. How well
this opinion is founded I leave you to judge. General
Stevens's opinion is, the enemy have some stroke in con-
templation. His Excellency wishes you to keep a good
lookout. He thinks the cannon with you are in a dan-
gerous situation, and will in a great degree be useless, if
the enemy make an attempt to surprise you. He there-
fore wishes you to send them to Morristown immediately,
and only consider Boundbrook as an advanced picket.
The General thinks you had better order all the stores
back between the first and second mountain, and draw
your daily supplies from thence."
How little do we realize the constant self-control
which their situation imposed upon these bold and
enterprising men !
1777.] LIFE OF NATH.\NAEL GREEXE. 365
" Pray, how goes on recruiting with you ? " Greene
writes to a friend the next day. " I am sure the conti-
nent must come to drafting at last ; the sooner the
better. Our strength now is trifling. It is to be re-
gretted that the cause of freedom rests upon the shoulders
of so few. General Howe is preparing with all imagina-
ble diligence to take the field. His bridge across the
Delaware, so much talked of, is arrived at Brunswick, as
I am informed by a spy who left that place last night. I
would thank the British myrmidons to protract the open-
ing of the campaign for about three weeks ; but that is
not to be expected. Our army will appear like Gideon
and his pitchers. God grant us the same success ! The
cause is equally righteous, and claims his heavenly pro-
tection."
There is one other source of hope tO which he
still continues to look, though almost a year was
yet to pass before he saw it realized. " Yery late
news from Europe mentions that a French and
Spanish war is inevitable, and that but few" recruits
can be got for the reinforcement of the British
army in America."
Thus all through April the anxiety and watch-
fulness and preparation continue.
" I am directed by his Excellency General Washing-
ton," he writes to General Lincoln from Baskingridge, on
the 27th, " to acquaint you the tents are arrived from
Philadelphia, and that he purposes encamping the troops
in a few days. His Excellency desires you to give the
necessary orders for each regiment, to send the quarter-
master or some other proper officer to draw the necessary
tents for the respective regiments ; one tent for five men.
His Excellency also desires you to give it out in orders,
366 LIFE OF NATIUNAEL GREENE. [1777.
that no parties go out of the lines except such as are au-
thorized by the dail}' orders, unless the officer has per-
mission. General Maxwell had a party of about twenty
surprised a few nights past, that went out of their own
accord without the necessary directions. I purpose to
call and see you this afternoon or to-morrow. Enclosed
you have a piece of intelligence from Brunswick yester-
day. I had intelligence from New York nigiit before last.
The intelligence gives an account of the enemy's being in
great preparation, cutting down a large ship to make a
floating battery. Eleven sail of transports with troops
have gone up the North River ; as many with troops are
gone down the Eastern Sound, said to be bound for New
Haven. These movements are to divert our attention
from their principal object, and to keep the Eastern troops
from coming on. The bridge at New York is complete,
and part of it is said to be at Brunswick."
To increase the perplexity of the American com-
manders, a report came from Europe that Boston
was to be attacked.
" I observe by Dr. Lee's letter to his brother," ^ Greene
writes to John Adams on the 2d of May, " that Burgoyne
is to attack Boston. The troops remaining so long at
Newport seems to favor this opinion, — time only can
unfold their future intentions. I observe, by some late
resolves of Congress, they are in fear for Ticonderoga.
If Carleton comes over the lakes with a view of penetrat-
ing into the country, General Howe must be bound up
the North River, notwithstanding all his threats and
preparations for Philadelphia."
With his fleet so near at hand, it was not diffi-
cult for Sir William Howe to embarrass and per-
1 Sparks's Washington, Vol. IV. p. 395.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 367
plex his adversaries. There were so many points
to attack, and each point offered so many induce-
ments, that it seemed almost impossible to divine
in what direction he would turn. His first meas-
ures served only to increase the perplexity. To-
wards the end of March he sent a detachment up
the Hudson, and destroyed the stores at Peekskill.
Towards the end of April he sent another detach-
ment into Connecticut, and destroyed the stores at
Danbury. " For once, give them credit for a bold
manoeuvre," Greene writes to John Adams. "I
think they have paid dear for the attempt. It is
supposed their loss in killed, wounded, and prison-
ers cannot be less than six hundred."
But whatever Howe's plans might be, the passes
of the Hudson were the key to direct commun-
ication between the Eastern and Western States.
Firmly held, the British forces north of the High-
lands would still be deprived of the means of com-
municating with the army at New York. Once lost,
the line of the Hudson was lost, and the Eastern
States would be severed from the Middle States.
Early in the preceding campaign Washington had
given as much of his attention to these passes as
his time and means permitted. He was even more
anxious about them now, and, unable to go and
examine them himself, he sent Greene to examine
them for him, and " give such orders for further
defence as " might " appear to " him " necessary for
the greater security of the passes by land and
water through the Highlands," disposing, "more-
3G8 LIFE OF NATH.\NAEL GREENE. [1777.
over, of the troops in such a nicanner as " he might
"judge most Hkely to answer the end in view." ^
Greene had never been through the Highlands
before, and, could he have thrown aside his grave
responsibilities for a while, he could hardly have
chosen a better time for a first view of them.
Never till then had his eyes rested on such huge
masses, or wandered over such an expanse of fo-
liage, fresh with the new life of early spring, or
seen the Hudson itself — although he had passed
weeks on its banks — flow with such majestic tran-
quillity, with every passing cloud, and every im-
pending cliff, and the blended leaves of the forest,
reflected in its burnished mirror, and looking up,
as it were, from the mysterious depth of waters
into the mysterious depth of overarching sky.
But he had no time to think of the grandeur or
beaut}^ of the scene. It was for their strength
that he looked with such searching eyes upon pass
and defile ; it was to choose the most inaccessible
points that he climbed the highest mountains, and
studied the projections and indentations of the tor-
tuous river. • The genial Knox was with him ; and,
as they rode along, they talked of cannon and mor-
tar ; measured with their eyes the range from each
cliff, and from bank to bank ; and sometimes, too,
spoke of their great cause, their hopes and their
fears for the opening campaign, their faith in Wash-
ington, and more than once of what they dreaded
'Sparks's Washington, Vol. IV. p. 414. Instructions to General Greene,
Morristown, May 12, 1777.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 369
from the delays and stumblings of Congress. At
Peekskill they found McDougall,Wayne,and George
Clinton ; and after a careful comparison of observa-
tions, Greene drew up a report which they all signed
together.
" We have examined the obstructions in the North
River, and beg leave to observe that the object is too im-
portant to be trusted to its present security. If those
obstructions in the river can be rendered effectual, and
the passes into the Highlands be properly guarded, which
can be done with about four or five thousand troops, the
rest of the army will be at liberty to operate elsewhere.
" To render the obstruction at Fort Montgomery com-
plete, it will be necessary to have a boom across the river,
and one or two cables in front of the chain, to break the
force of the shipping before they come up to it. The two
Continental ships should be immediately manned and
fixed, and the two row-galleys be stationed just above the
obstruction, which will form a front fire equal to what the
enemy can bring against them. The fire from the ships
and galleys in front, and the batteries upon the flank, will
render it impossible for the shipping to operate there if
the obstructions in the river bring them up, which, with
the additional strength proposed, we have great reason to
expect.
" The communication between the Eastern and Western
States is essential to the continent ; and the advantages
we shall have over the enemy by the communication, and
the great expense that will be saved in transportation of
stores, by having the command of the river, warrant every
expense to secure an object of so great magnitude. We
are very confident, if the obstructions in the river can be
rendered effectual, the enemy will not attempt to operate
24
370 LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. [1777.
by land, the passes through the Highlands are so exceed-
ing difficult."
By the same courier Greene gives Washington
an account of his mission thus far : —
" Agreeable to your Excellency's instructions, I have
given the necessary orders to carry the further obstruc-
tions on the river into execution. I am going this day up
to New Windsor to view the obstructions there, and the
passes through the Highlands to the Clove, after which I
shall be able to give your Excellency a very good history
of the state of things here, which I shall do at my return.
It will be impossible to be at home under two days."
New Windsor was an important village then, very
unlike the single street of dilapidated houses that
stands crumbling now on the w^estern bank of the
Hudson; and almost within the shadow of the
Storm King.^ Bear with me, reader, if, as I write
this name, I pause to recall him who gave it, — him
whose quick poetic eye reading at a glance what
thousands had looked upon the deep serenity of
the majestic mountain and never seen, — its pro-
phetic communings with sun and cloud, its unfailing
promise of a perfect day and its sure foreshadow-
ings of storm, and, reading these, gave it the lordly
name which must cling to it forever. Bear with
me if, mingling my own personal recollections with
these recollections of a past which belongs to the
world's history, I recall the Idlewild which sleeps
under the Storm King's shadow, and to which genius
1 A mountain at the northern opening of the Highlands, called Butter
Hill on the map.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 371
and geniality have given a charm that can never
fade from my memory. It is only they who have
known thee there, dear Willis, who have known in
full the depth of thy mind or the tenderness of thy
heart.
At the farthest end of the village, on a pleasant
bank that, shaded with fruit-trees, slopes swiftly
down to the river's edge, stood, a few years back,
a modest little cottage, known to all the country
round as the head-quarters of Washington. But
it is gone now, torn down though not replaced.
Here, as in the best house, Greene must have passed
his first night in the hamlet where, before the war
was over, he was to pass so many ; and here on the
18th he wrote to Colonel Hughes of the Quarter-
master's department : —
" His Excellency General Washington sent me and
General Knox to this division of the army to examine the
forts, fortifications, and obstructions across the river ; also
the state of the provision at each post, and the condition
of the Quartermaster-General's department in this divis-
ion of the army.
" I am sorry to find a general complaint at all the posts
of want of forage. You must be sensible by this, that a
considerable part of the Continental forces are drawn to-
gether at Peekskill and its environs. You also must be
sensible that no operation can take place, if the motions
of the enemy render it ever so necessary, without the
article of forage.
" The season is fast approaching when we may expect
the enemy will be in motion, and to be unprepared to
counteract them for want of forage will be a great misfor-
tune. I am told by some of your deputies, that the evil
372 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
originates through the neglect of the agents of Mr. Duer ;
if that is the case, you must not trust to them for a supply
any longer. Receive all that they send in, but immedi-
ately take such measures to establish proper magazines as
will afford a sufficient supply to all parts of the army. If
the inhabitants will not supply it voluntarily, you must
apply to the commanding officer at Peekskill for a proper
guard to take it, paying or giving certificates for every-
thing so taken.
" Wagons and horses to transport the regimental bag-
gage, artillery horses, and covered wagons for military
stores, should be provided as soon as possible. Your ut-
most exertions will be necessary to provide these things
seasonably. Let the provisions be got over the North
River agreeably to the resolve of Congress and order of
General Washington, and lodged at such places as General
George Clinton shall direct.
" I must entreat you to use all possible diligence to get
everything in your department in the greatest forward-
ness. Your own industry is unexceptionable, but you
will please to have an eye to those that are under you, as
few are faitliful enough to discharge their duty without
such attention."
By the 19th he was again at Morristown.
" I returned last night from Peekskill," he writes to his
wife the next day, " after a long, tedious, and hard journey.
To crown all, I fell from my horse upon the top of an ex-
ceeding high mountain, cut my lip through, and otherwise
bruised myself exceedingly. Never did I undergo so
much fatigue in less time. Last night at Mr. Lott's,
within about nine miles of this place, I heard you was
gone on before me. 0 how my heart leaped for joy, not-
withstanding I was sure it was impossible ! yet the thought
was so pleasing I could not help indulging the sweet
delusion."
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 373
It is pleasant to get the glimpse of the inner man
which these letters give when his thoughts turn
homeward.
• " I impatiently waited for the post to-day, in hopes of a
letter, but, to my great mortification, not a line," he
writes in one. " I had tlie pleasure to hear from you
to-day by letters from Brother Kitt and Sister Caty," be-
gins another.
" They write you are cleverly, and in a way of getting
well soon. God grant you may ! The child, also, they
say is in a fair way. Heaven be praised for its goodness !
I most ardently wish to see you, but when or where
[I shall] the Lord alone knows. I don't expect to visit
Rhode Island till the close of this campaign, if fortune
should preserve me through it."
Then day after day passes without bringing let-
ters from home, although he writes "by every post
and every private opportunity."
" My dear, it is now a month and upward since I re-
ceived a line from one of the family. I think it exceeding
unkind ; if you are unwell, and incapable of writing,
surely some of the brothers might do me that friendly
office. However disagreeable consequences may be, it is
some consolation to know them. Nothing is more painful
than a state of suspense. Pray, my dear, let me know
the worst, that I may accommodate my mind to the evil.
The last accounts I had from you, you was exceeding
unwell, taking four grains of mercury every day. Think
how you would feel if I had been in an engagement, and
left your mind under the torture of suspense for upwards
of a month. 0 how cruel ! "
She had been very ill.
374 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
" I was almost thunderstruck at the receipt of your
letter. How different its contents from my wishes ! A
lingering disorder of five weeks' continuance, and from
the present symptoms a confinement of two months longer.
Heaven preserve you, and bless you with patience and
fortitude to support yourself under the cruel misfortune!
Long had I pleased myself with the [hope] of a happy
meeting. But fortune seems to delight to sport with
human happiness 0 that I had but wings to fly
to your relief! "
And when better tidings of her health came, other
trials followed close upon the trial of protracted ill-
ness, threatening to keep them still apart.
" My dear angel," he writes, " since I wrote you this
morning I received your letter of the 29th of April. The
contents have wrung drops of blood from my heart.
Gracious God, how much I wish to come to you ! . . . .
But the General will not permit me to go. I have had
exceedingly hard duty this spring. Tiie General keeps
me constantly upon the go. The love and friendship he
has for me, and the respect and kindness he shows me,
goes a great way to alleviate my pains. I am as well
loved and respected in the army as I can wish ; but not-
witlistanding the honors of war, and the love and respect
of men, I feel a blank in my heart which nothing but your
presence can fill up. There is not a day or night, nay,
not an hour, but I wish to fold you to my heart."
Of his own health he seldom writes. Once in-
deed he says : —
" I have a slight disorder that has been hanging about
me for several days past. I hope its duration will be
short, as I have neitiicr time nor inclination to be absent
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAJJAEL GREENE. 375
from duty." But of hers he is constantly thinking.
" You must threaten the doctors, if they don't cure you
in a few days, with instant destruction. If Doctor Joslin
attends you, let him know if he don't make a radical
cure in a fortnight, he shall have more holes in his hide
to fill with tow wads."
And what a host of associations these letters
home and from home awaken ! How do familiar
scenes and familiar faces come crowding upon the
mind, looking you right in the face, as it were, and
knocking at the heart's door as though it were the
door of your chamber ! " How is my son ? " says
another letter. " How are my friends ? Where is
Nancy Vernon ? Is the Doctor and she like to form
a connection?" This Nancy Vernon was a very
lovely Newport beauty, and the Doctor, Doctor
Senter, an eminent physician who had made the
march to Quebec with Arnold's detachment, keeping
a journal of its incidents which, though brief, is full
of valuable information.^ " I think not. Pray in-
form me. How is Brother Bill ? Where is Elihu ?
My best respects to him and his wife. Pray, is there
harmony amongst you ? Where are Griffin and his
wife ? Not a word have I heard from him since he
left camp. Out of sight out of mind."
He hardly knows how to decide about her com-
ing on to join him.
" I most ardently wish to see you ; but the great dis-
tance between us, the poor accommodations on the roads,
the uncertainty of the motions of the enemy, and the
1 Published by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania in 1846.
37G LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENK [1777.
weak state of your healtli, are obstacles tliat prevent my
pressing you to come, agreeable to my vvishes. Prudence
restrains what my heart most inclined to. I cannot ex-
press the recent pleasure I felt at hearing you was come,
although I knew it must be false, yet so strong were my
wishes that reason was obliged to give place to my de-
luded hopes."
Of course, the heart conquers ; and in another
letter of the same day he writes that he hopes she
is well enough to set out to join him, and then
goes on to tell her what arrangements he had made
to facilitate her preparations, and secure her com-
fort while he was with the army
" If you think your health and strength will endure
the journey, my heart wnll leap for joy to meet you. If
you are in want of any clothes, write to Mrs. Knox, she
will get you whatever you want ; the General has wrote
to her for that purpose, and I am to pay the General here.
" Mr. Lett's family have engaged you to spend the
summer there. It is about nine miles from this place,
and about twenty-two or three miles from the place where
we are going to encamp. Tliey are one of the finest
families you ever saw. The old gentleman and his lady
are as merry as boys of fourteen ; there are four or five
fine young ladies of delicate sentiments and polite educa-
tion. They are all anxious to see you and cultivate your
acquaintance. They long to see you, and impatiently
wait your coming. Heaven grant it may be speedy !
Mr. HolTman and tlie ladies of tins place wish to see you,
as do Lady Stirling and Lady Kitty, one of the finest
young ladies 1 ever saw. But Mr. Lott claims the prefer-
ence to your society. His son-in-law, Mr. Livingston,
was one of my aide-de-camps last year, which introduced
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 377
me into the family. You may learn music and French,
too, there. Adieu, my second self."
He is very anxious that his wife should appear to
advantage among the friends whose opportunities
of early education had so far exceeded hers.
" Remember when you write to Mrs. Knox you write
to a good scholar, therefore mind and spell well ; you are
defective in this matter, my love ; a little attention will
soon correct it. Bad writing is nothing, if the spelling is
but good. People are often laughed at for not spelling
well, but never for not writing well. It is said it is un-
genteel for gentlemen to make observations upon ladies*
writing. I hope you won't think it unkind in me.
Nothing but the affection and regard I feel for you makes
me wish to have you appear an accomplished lady in every
point of view."
And mingled with all these expressions of tender-
ness is the great anxiety of the hour. "How
goes on the inoculation ? " follows close upon
" How is my son ? " " How goes on recruiting ? "
is mixed up with fears for her health.
" I am happy to hear you have such a fine daugliter.
As to her name, I must beg to be excused from giving
her any name. That falls more immediately under your
province. Mrs. Washington's Christian name is Martha.
I shall have no objection to that or any other name you
think proper to give her."
Martha Washington was the name chosen for this
eldest daughter, as George Washington had been
the name of the eldest son. But in the next para-
graph the husband and father becomes again the
patriot and general.
378 LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. [17T7.
" Before this reaches you, the account of the loss of the
stores at Daiihury will come to hand. Our loss is consid-
erable in stores, the enemy's in men. This was a bold
mananivre, and does the enemy great credit, notwith-
standing it is at our expense. It is supposed the enemy's
loss amounted to upwards of six hundred men killed,
wounded, and taken prisoners. Had not General Wooster
been wounded, ten to one the whole party had been cut
off. Before he was wounded, the enemy broke, and ran
like fury ; but after he was wounded, there was nobody
to lead the troops on, which gave the enemy time to rally
again.
" By some late accounts from England, we learn that
Boston is to be attacked. The troops continuing so long
at Rhode Island seems to favor that opinion. General
Howe still threatens Philadelphia ; if he attempts it, it
will be a bloody march. It is said Carleton is crossing the
Lakes ; if that be true, General Howe must be bound up
the North River, notwithstanding all his parade for the
southward."
A letter begins with : —
" I waited impatiently for the post to-day ; but, to my
great mortification, not a line. Captain Flagg (who ar-
rived here a day or two past with the Rhode Island de-
tachment) informed me lie left you unwell with a fever."
Expressions of anxiety, and of his longing " to hear from
you, but much more to see you," follow, but then the
great care breaks out. " By intelligence from New York
and Brunswick yesterday, we learn the enemy are to take
the field the first of June. Their delay is unaccountable
already. What lias kept them in their quarters we can't
imagine. We liave got together a small force, althougli
by no means equal to our expectations. The small-pox
has proved a great hindrance to the troops coming in.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 379
However, if General Howe attempts to pass through the
Jerseys, we determine to play fury with him. There is
little or no reinforcement expected from England. 0
that the Americans were but spirited and resolute, how
easy the attempt to rout those miscreants ! but their fool-
ish delays and internal disputes, I fear, will protract the
war to a much greater length than is necessary to com-
plete the work. I am sure America will be victorious
finally, but her sufferings for want of union and public
spirit may be great first. There is no people on earth
that ever had so fair an opportunity to establish their
freedom at so easy a rate, if the opportunity had been prop-
erly improved. God grant a happy issue to the war ! "
And directly after the admonition to take heed to
her spelling in her letters to Mrs. Knox comes : —
" The enemy remains at Brunswick in a frighted
condition. Our army are camping near Boundbrook.
Nothing material has happened since I left this place.
By some late arrivals from France a fresh supply of arms
and clothing is received, and it is said the British Ministry
are not likely to get any reinforcements from Germany.
If so, poor General Howe is still at an humble distance
from the great and important business of conquering
America. My hand trembles so prodigiously that I can
scarcely write. Tell your brother Bill to bring on the
bald horse, if he is in good order."
CHAPTER XVII.
Scanty Numbers of the New Army. — Greene's Division. — Weedon. —
Muhlenberg. — Exchanges a Regiment with Sullivan. — New Aid.
— Washington's Position. — Howe's Plan. — Lee's Treason. — Con-
jectures and Perplexity of the Americans. — Preparations for the
Campaign. — Howe's Manoeuvres. — Americans Advance on Bruns-
wick.— Howe foiled. — Disasters in the North. — Greene expects
to be sent North. — Washington unwilling to part with him. — Veil
partly lifted. — March to the Delaware.
^piIE army for the new campaign consisted of
-*- five divisions, each division containing two
brigades ; and the Avhole forming forty-three regi-
ments of eight thousand three hundred and seven-
ty-eight men, inclusive of the artillery and cavalry.
The cavalry amounted to only one hundred and
eighty men, not even enough for vedettes and
patrols ; and of this small army " upwards of two
thousand were sick, and five thousand seven hun-
dred and thirty-eight rank and file " were all that
could be counted upon for active service.^ Even
of those five thousand seven hundred and thirty-
eight, half were raw recruits, ignorant of " the first
rudiments of military duty," and wdio " had never
looked an enemy in the face." The two brigades of
1 There is h discrepancy between shall, Vol. I. p. 14.5. Gordon puts
the statcment.s of Gordon and Mar- the number at 7,271, inclusive of cav-
shall, although liotli wrote from ofli- airy and artillery, Vol. II. p. 469.
cial returns. I have followed Mar-
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 381
Greene's division were commanded by Weedon, a
Virginian, with whom he formed a warm friendship
and continued to correspond during the rest of his
life ; and Peter Muhlenberg, the Lutheran parson,
who, teUing his parishioners " that, in the language
of Holy Writ, there was a time for all things, — a time
to preach and a time to pray, — but that those times
had passed away and there was a time to fight,
and that time was now come,"- had stripped off the
preacher's gown which concealed the soldier's uni-
form, and, descending the pulpit, ordered the drum
to beat at the church door to raise recruits for the
regiment he was going to lead to the army.^ One
of the regiments first assigned to Greene was Ha-
zen's, which, at Sullivan's request, he exchanged
with him for the German regiment commanded by
Baron Arendt.
" Your Excellency's favor of yesterday this moment
came to hand," he writes to Washington from Bound-
brook on the 24th of May. " I am perfectly satisfied with
the exchange of Hazen's regiment for the Baron Arendt's.
I am by no means attached to any particular regiment.
Nearly an equal distribution of the forces will be entirely
satisfactory to me. I only wish to stand upon an equal
footing with the other officers ; then, if I don't execute
my duty as well, I am willing to be subject to censure.
" General Sullivan's reasons for the exchange are very
substantial, and perfectly satisfactory. I ever wish to
make the good of the service my principal object. When
I deviate from that line I wish to be corrected."
In his military family, also, a change had been
1 Life of Muhlenberg, by his grandson, Henry A. Muhlenberg, p. 53.
382 LIFE OF NATHAXAEL GREENE. [1777.
made. Major Clarke, whom he had been brought
into such pleasant relations with at Fort Lee, hav-
ing taken the place of Major Livingston as his aid.
The merry, restles.?, witty Blodget was still his
other aid. His quarters, as the dates of his letters
show, were part of the time at Boundbrook and
part of the time at Middlebrook.
Whatever the British general's plan might be,
Washington had chosen his position well for speedily
detectincT them, and counteractins: them as far as his
means would permit. Brunswick, where the British
army still lay, was within ten miles of his camp ;
and from the high ground in front of it he could
look down upon the whole field of the enemy's
operations, tracing the course of the Raritan to its
mouth, and following the road to Philadelphia deep
into southern Jersev. A ridofe of strons: and com-
raandingr heicrhts, connected by nature and strength-
ened by art, covered his encampment in front ; while
the road northward for a junction with the forces
at Peekskill, and the road southward for gathering
in his right wing and coming out upon the enemy's
flank or rear, lay equally within his reach. Thus,
whicheverwav the British treneral turned, — whether
against the Highland passes, as some circumstances
seemed to indicate, or towards Philadelphia, as
seemed equally evident from others, — he was sm'e
either to find his watchful adversary in his path or
feel him at some vulnerable point.
Well might the American generals be doubtful
about the designs of Sir William Howe, for they
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 383
were no less a mystery to officers of high rank in
his own army. Warned by Trenton and Princeton,
he had drawn in his scattered forces, abandoned his
conquests of December, and narrowed down his
occupation of the Jerseys to Brunswick and Am-
boy, — posts well chosen for preserving his commu-
nications with New York, and keeping up the
appearance of a design upon PhiladeljDhia. In
these narrow quarters his troops had suffered all
through the winter from hard service and cold
weather ; their pickets were often surprised, their
fo raging-parties assailed, their outposts cut ofF.^
But in March, says the Newport Gazette, speaking
the wishes of the Tories, they " were in the highest
health and spirits, longing only for the opening of
the campaign to assert the injured rights of their
king and country. They are well supplied with
clothing and every necessary,"^ They had, more-
over, the consolation to learn from the same au-
thentic chronicler, that, while they were thus revel-
ling in abundance, the rebels at Morristown were
paying fifteen pence a pound for beef, forty-five for
butter, eight shilUngs apiece for geese and turkeys,
and that " their salt was almost expended." How
must loyal hearts have rejoiced !
Meanwhile, Sir William Howe had formed, with
the approbation of the ministry, a plan for sever-
ing the Eastern States from the Middle States,
1 Stedman's History of the Ameri- man on the Conduct of the War in
can War, Vol. I. p. 276, and pas- the Middle Colonies, p. 59.
sages already quoted from Greene's '^ Newport Gazette, No. 11, March
Letters. Also, Letters to a Noble- 27, 1777.
384 LIFE OF NATH.\NAEL GREENE. [1777.
by combining the movements of the army of New
York with those of the army of Canada. The plan
had been discussed, the details matured, and prepara-
tions were busily making with great expectations of
success on the part of all whom the Commander-in-
chief had admitted to his confidence. And thus
things went busily on till the beginning of April ;
nothing but the arrival of supplies and reinforce-
ments from England being wanted to " open the
door wide for the Canada army," and, striking " at
the root of the rebellion, place those Independent
Hypocrites between two fires." ^
April came, and all was changed ; no more co-
operation with the " Canada army," no more a tri-
umphant march through the Jerseys ; but in their
stead an invasion of Pennsylvania by sea, and the
conquest of Philadelphia by a march northward
from Chesapeake Bay. Great was the astonish-
ment of the English generals, and greater still their
disgust, when the " great secret " became known.
Not the least decided in his " reprobation " was
Howe's unwelcome lieutenant of Bunker Hill and
future successor at Philadelphia, Sir Henry Clin-
ton. Cornwallis and Grant alone were admitted to
the full confidence of their general, and they per-
haps approved of his new decision.^ At a later pe-
riod in the war, when the disastrous consequences
1 Moore's Treason of Charles Lee, ^ MSS. notes to Stedman's History
p. 91. One of the most valuable of the War, attributed to Sir H.
monograms of our Revolutionary Clinton. This curious copy is in the
history, not only founded upon docu- library of John Carter Brown, Esq.,
ments, but controlled by them. of Providence.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 385
of this ill-judged change became evident to all,
Howe threw the responsibility on the ministers,
and said that he had been compelled to change his
plan because they had withheld the reinforcements
which he had demanded as a condition of success.
But on the 29th of March General and Admiral
Howe had received a letter from Charles Lee, —
that British colonel and American general whose
misfortunes Washington was even then lamenting
in letters to Congress, and of whom Greene writes
to Lincoln twenty-one days later, " General Lee's
servant and dog are sent down to the lines to be
sent in to the General. You will please to give
the necessary passport accordingly." Well would
it have been for Lee's happiness then, and his good
name with posterity, if he had humbled himself be-
fore that mute favorite, and learned from its plead-
ing eyes and eloquent caresses the precious lesson
of fidelity. For in that fatal letter, — never ac-
knowledged by the Howes, lest they should be
taunted with havino^ failed throuo-li the suo-o-estions
of a traitor, never seen for eighty years by other
eyes than theirs and the two or three whom they
took into their counsels, but which, awakened at last
from its almost centennial slumbers in their domes-
tic archives, has been brought back to the very spot
in which it was written, to bear witness, when every
other witness had passed away, against the heart
that conceived and the hand that wrote it, — in this
letter, so fortunately preserved and so strangely
discovered, it is written that, " to bring matters to
25
386 LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 11777.
a conclusion, it is necessary to unhinge or dissolve,
if I may so express myself, the whole system or
machine of resistance, or, in other terms, Congress
government. This S3^stem or machine, as affairs
now stand, depends entirely on the circmnstances
and disposition of the people of Maryland, Virginia,
and Pennsylvania. If the Province of Maryland,
or the greater part of it, is reduced, or submits, and
the people of Virginia are prevented or intimidated
from marching aid to the Pennsylvania army, the
whole machine is dissolved, and a period put to the
war, — to accomplish which is the object of the
scheme which I now take the liberty of offering to
the consideration of his Lordship and the General ;
and if it is adopted in full, I am so confident of the
success that I would stake my life on the issue."
By this " scheme " fourteen thousand men were
" to clear the Jerseys and take possession of Phila-
delphia," and " four thousand be immediately em-
barked in transports, one half of which should pro-
ceed up the Potomac and take post at Alexandria,
the other half up Chesapeake Bay and possess
themselves of Annapolis From these posts
proclamations of pardon " were to be " issued to all
those who come in at a given day ; and I will an-
swer for it with my life, that all the inhabitants of
that great tract southward of the Patapsco, and
lying betwixt the Potomac and Chesapeake Bay,
and those on the Eastern Shore of Maryland, will
immediately lay down their arms. But this is
not all. I am much mistaken if those potent and
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 387
populous German districts, Frederick County in
Maryland and York in Pennsylvania, do not follow
their example " ; and thus Congress cut off from
its constituents, and Washington cut off from rein-
forcements, in "less than two months from the
date of this proclamation, not a spark of this deso-
lating war " would remain " unextinguished in any
part of the continent."
How did the two brothers look when they saw
the well-known handwriting of a former brother-in-
arms, the damning record of the wilful treachery
of a native of their own island ? In all the com-
mon relations of life they were honorable men, and
the suspicion of personal degradation was never
raised against them. But now, while they instinc-
tively shrank from the traitor, they found, as it
seemed to them, a ray of light in his treason. They
had learned that their expectation of supplies and
reinforcements would not be fulfilled ; that the
ministry, while it approved their plans, either could
not or would not give them the means of accom-
plishing them ; that, for whatever they did, they
must chiefly depend upon the resources which they
had already at hand. They changed their plan,
therefore, and, without adopting Lee's in full, ac-
cepted its suggestion of beginning their operations
from the south. Sorely must the pride of the traitor
have been tried as, watching the gradual develop-
ment of their campaign, he recognized the traces
of his own villany, and saw in the caution with
which his suggestions had been received the fatal
388 LIFE OF NATILVNAEL GREENE. [1777.
proof of the distrust and contempt which they had
awakened.
To the Americans, of course, these things were
unknown ; nor is there any ground for supposing
that Washington's and Greene's distrust of Lee's
capricious temper ever extended to his fidehty.
Meanwhile, as Greene revolved the possible plans of
the enemv, he wrote to John Adams : —
" I cannot concur with you in sentiment because the
enemy did not go to Philadelphia last December that they
had no intention, then or since, of going there. I am of
opinion, if the enemy could have got over tlie Delaware
immediately after our army crossed it, it would have been
agreeable to their wishes. Had they effected it before the
junction of the forces under General Lee and General
Gates, the consequences might have been disagreeable.
The attempt was dangerous, the chain of communication
from Brunswick being very extensive for the number of
their troops to maintain ; and yet I cannot think at that
time they had much to fear either from Pennsylvania or
New York.
" General Howe has lost the most favorable opportunity
this spring of destroying us, perhaps, that he ever will
have. Had he marched for Pliiladelphia as soon as the
season opened, he might have performed it with less than
one half the force necessary to accomplish it now. Such
a stroke before the formation of our army might have
given us a deadly wound by retarding our preparations
for some months, increasing the Tory faction and depriv-
ing us of many valuable stores."
As the season opened, every exertion was made
to get the army well in hand, and prepare the
men for an active campaign.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 389
" I arrived at this place yesterday about noon," Greene
writes to TVashington from Boundbrook on the 24th of
May, " and immediately issued the necessary orders for
collecting the troops together from the outposts. I fear,
without great exertions in the commissary's department,
there will be a want of provisions. I shall endeavor to
learn the design of the enemy's collection of wagons.
" We shall begin to lay off the encampment this morn-
ing. Colonel Biddle arrived too late last night to do any-
thing more than to ride round the ground."
" I find a great want of tents in several brigades," he
writes the ensuing day. " General Maxwell says he has
none, neither has he had it in his power to get any. I
shall endeavor to get a more particular state to-day, and
shall notify your Excellency upon the subject.
" A small detachment of Colonel Lewis's regiment
came in last evening without blankets or tents, and said
there was none to be had at Philadelphia. If that be true,
we shall be miserably off.
" Upon inquiry I find the camp fever begins to prevail
among some of the troops. Nothing will correct this evil
like the free use of vinegar. The mfen feed principally
upon animal food, which produces a strong inclination to
putrefaction. Vegetables, or any other kind of food, can-
not be had in such plenty as to alter the state of the habit.
Vinegar is the only sovereign remedy. Cost what it may,
I would have it in such plenty as to allow the men a gill,
if not a half-pint, each day.
" If cider vinegar cannot be had in such plenty as the
state of the army requires, vinegar can be made with mo-
lasses, water, and a little flour to produce a fermentation.
One hogshead of molasses and one barrel of rum will
make ten hogsheads of vinegar. Vinegar can be made
from the simple state of the materials fit for use in a
fortnight's time.
300 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
" I think it, my dear General, an object of great im-
portance to preserve the health of the troops. What can
a sickly army do ? They are a burden to themselves and
the state that employs them. All the accumulated ex-
pense of raising and supporting an army is totally lost un-
less yon can find means to preserve the health of the troops.
No general, however active himself, or whatever may be
his knowledge or experience in the art of war, can execute
anything important while the hospitals are crowded with
the sick. Besides, such a spectacle as we beheld last
campaign is shocking to the feelings of humanity, distress-
ing to the whole army to accommodate the sick ; but, above
all, the country is robbed of many useful inhabitants, and
the army of many brave soldiers.
" Your own reputation, the protection of the country,
and the success of the campaign, are dependent upon the
health of the army. Objects so important in their conse-
quences demand your Excellency's serious attention.
" Enclosed is an account of the state of things in Bruns-
wick yesterday. Colonel Brodhead's picket was attacked
yesterday. The enemy took one foot sentry and one ve-
dette ; the latter -was lost by attempting too raslily to
recover the foot soldier, which, however, was recovered,
but wounded in a most shocking manner.
" The troops are encamping as fast as possible."
The work of preparation continues ; each day, or
rather each hour, bringing some new difficulty to
light. On the 27th he writes to Washington early,
it would seem, in the morning, for the answer comes
the same day : —
" This moment the commissary reports to me that the
provisions and the su{)})lies fall short ; and that it is out of
his power, with his utmost exertions, to procure a sufficient
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 391
supply. I wish your Excellency would order the commis-
sary at Morristown down here as soon as possible to the
assistance of this.
" We must take sheep and cattle about the country to
supply the deficiency.
" I think Colonel Trumbull should pay immediate atten-
tion to this matter.
" A deserter of the 71st this moment came in from Bon-
umtown. He says very little. He says it is the common
talk in the British army they are going to Philadelphia
by water, and that transports are prepared and preparing
to go round to Philadelphia, and that the troops are all to
embark."
" I have ordered the assistant commissary at this place
to repair immediately to camp," says Washington in re-
ply. " It is the peculiar misfortune of this army to have,
generally speaking, the heads of the different departments
always absent when they are most wanted. Two months
was I laboring, as hard as a man could, to get the Commis-
sary-General to this place, and had scarcely accomplished it
before the Congress ordered him to Philadelphia ; from
whence I have used my utmost endeavors to bring him
back, but am answered that he is detained by order. In
the mean while, the army may starve. I will again send
to him by express, and for present supplies advise the adop-
tion of the mode you pointed out, by your taking the
provision out of the country about Elizabethtown, Newark,
and Millstone, because two ends will be answered by it.^
.... I hope Colonel Dayton reported to you the sus-
picious person arrested at Bullion's tavern, and that you
have had him under examination before this."
On the 28tli of May Washington joined the army
at Middlebrook.^ And now began the manoeuvres
1 Sparks's Washington, Vol. IV. 2 Gordon, Vol. II. p. 469.
p. 437.
392 LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. [1777.
by wliich the British general endeavored to deceive
his watchful adversary, — threatenings and shows
of attack, relapsing suddenly into inactivity.
" The Philistines are upon thee, Samson ; take care of
thyself," Greene writes on the 31st to Sullivan, who was
posted on the right at a short distance from the main body.
" The enemy are destroying their works at Amboy and
reinforcing Brunswick. They threaten to attack us here ;
they are welcome, if they please. If they are bound to
Philadelphia, I think they will endeavor to steal a march
upon us, and either leave you to the right, or make an at-
tack upon you, and give you a royal rout. I am going to
view Millstone this afternoon, to establish a guard there of
horse and foot. God bless you ! "
Washington, meanwhile, was strengthening his
position, already so strong by nature ; for he was re-
solved to leave nothino; to chance that forethouarht
could make sure.
" His Excellency," Greene writes to Lincoln on the 1st
of June, " thinks it advisable to fortify with a small re-
doubt the passes through the mountains not stopped or
hedged up.^ The bigness of the redoubts should be pro-
portioned to the strength of the picket. If it be made
defensible against small arms, it will be sufficient, as no
cannon can be brought to play against them. Such works
will render the pass much more formidable and the
picket quite secure. The very name will have its weight
upon the minds of the enemy. It will take but little time
or labor to construct sucli works. I purpose to fortify
the gap at Steel's Tavern, and I think a couple of small
redoubts are necessary upon my right to secure that flank.
I would have but two passes leading into the camp front
1 See an important letter of Washington to Arnold. Sparks, Vol. IV.
p. 463.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 393
or rear. Should be glad of your opinion upon the sub-
ject. I am this morning going to Somerset to post a guard
there. I shall be back again about noon. Should be glad
to see you at my quarters. Please to come and dine with
me and the young gentlemen of your family.
" Colonel Parker sent in a prisoner from Westfield last
night. I think he is an American recruit. He gives much
the same account about the enemy as you heard before."
And again on the 9th : —
" Is there a guard posted at the cross-roads upon your
left ? I think our front is very secure, and our flanks
tolerably well guarded ; but a small guard seems neces-
sary to me at the cross-roads on the left, and another to
the right towards Pluckemin. The latter I shall pay par-
ticular attention to ; to the former I trust you will.
" Pray, what can these gentry be about ? I never was
more perplexed to unravel and adjust the contradictory
intelligence. I cannot think General Howe will attempt
to garrison Brunswick and divide his force. To march by
land to Philadelphia with a divided force is not a little
dangerous ; the militia may retard him more than he is
aware of, and the Continental troops will complete his ruin.
If he gives up the Jerseys, and goes altogether by wa-
ter, it will be a strong proof of his weakness, and cannot
fail to ruin their interest in the country. The people will
be afraid to be connected with those who can only afford
them a temporary and water security. I cannot fix a
judgment satisfactory to myself, much less to anybody else."
The first efforts of the British general were to
draw Washington down from his strong position ;
and failing in this, he retraced his steps towards
Amboy. On the night of the 21st "Washington
called a council of war in which it was determined to
394 LIFE OF NATH.LNAEL GREENE. [1777.
advance upon Brunswick. Greene was immediately
pushed forward with his own division, strengthened
for the occasion by Wayne's brigade and Morgan's
riflemen, with orders to fall upon the enemy's rear.
Orders were sent to Sullivan and Maxwell to
co-operate with Greene. In the advance was Mor-
gan the wagoner, serving for the first time under
the leader for whom, three years later, he was to
win the decisive battle of the Cowpens. The road
ran along the right bank of the Raritan, whose
pleasant waters were studded with starlight when
the march began, but were already glowing with
the first beams of mornino- when the easrer advance
came out unexpected upon the first picket of the
enemy. They were Hessians,^ who j^erhaps re-
called to mind Trenton, as they fled in wild dis-
order towards the town, hotly pursued by Morgan
and his riflemen. In a few minutes the American
advance and British rear stood face to face close to
the bridge ; and in a few moments more up came
the remainder of the rifle corps, and Wayne with
his whole brio-ade. A brisk charge cleared the
town, and compelled the enemy to take refuge in
their redoubts on the east bank of the river. But
Morgan's blood was up, and Wayne was eager for
a fight, and Greene was not the man to hold them
back where impulse might almost supply the place
of strength ; and without waiting to see how much
they were outnumbered, they pushed on over the
bridge, and drove the enemy from their works.
1 Almon's Remembrancer, Vol. V. p. 259.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 395
Meanwhile, as day advanced, Washington drew out
his whole army on the high grounds in front of his
camp, watching anxiously Greene's movements, and
looking eagerly for some sign that Sullivan and
Maxwell were at their posts. But Sullivan had re-
ceived his orders too late to get up in season ; and
Maxwell, by the desertion or capture of the express
to whom they were confided, did not receive his at
all. And thus the English general, harassed in-
deed, and with his rear-guard sorely pressed, but
with his main body untouched, held on his way to-
wards Am boy ; marking his steps by a long line of
smoke and flame from the burning houses and barns,
which in happier days the wretched owners, little
dreaming of the desolation that was to come upon
them, had confidingly built by the wayside. The
Americans continued the pursuit as far as Piscata-
way.
" General Greene desires me," writes Washington to
the President of Congress, " to make mention of the con-
duct and bravery of General Wayne and Colonel Morgan and
of their officers and men upon this occasion, as they con-
stantly advanced upon an enemy far superior to tliem in
numbers, and well secured behind strong redoubts." ^
And thus June slowly wore away in movements
which, on the 2d of July, Washington briefly sum-
med up in a letter to the President of Congress : —
" General Howe, as you have been informed, made a
1 Sparks's Washington, Vol. IV. Graham, pp. 125, 126 ; an able work,
p. 471. Gordon, Vol. II. pp. 471, founded upon a careful study of docu-
472. Life of Morgan, by James ments.
396 LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. [1777.
show of marching for the Delaware, but suddenly turned
back to Brunswick, and from thence to Amboy. He came
out again with his whole force a few days ago, with a seem-
ing intention to make a general attack upon us ; but after
marching seven or eight miles parallel with the Sound,
he returned again into Amboy, contenting himself with
burning many houses and plundering all that fell in his
way." 1
And on the 2d of July, in a final recapitulation, he
writes to Governor Trumbull from Middlebrook : —
" Since my last, the enemy, disappointed in their at-
tempt upon our right, have made an experiment upon our
left, and, frustrated in that also, have now abandoned the
Jerseys and encamped upon Staten Island. There is a
great stir among their shipping, and in all probability their
next movement will be by water ; though it is impossible
to decide with certainty to what place." ^
Howe had tried to conquer by numbers and dis-
cipline, and failed ; he had tried manoeuvres and
strategy, and his failure was still more signal. What
will he try next ? was the chief question in the
American camp, — the subject of many a long con-
ference betwixt Washington and Greene, as they
compared the reports of their spies and their own
calculations of the various chances of war ; but con-
ferences into which success had infused a confidence,
a buoyancy almost, of hope, which had never
mingled with them before. Of this hope, one of the
chief sources was the reawakening of popular en-
thusiasm ; for no sooner had Howe beijun to move
1 Sparks's Washington, Vol. IV. p. 479. 2 jbid.^ p. 477.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 397
than the mihtia began to rise on every side, — that
same Jersey militia which, when the British army
first came among them, had either skulked igno-
miniously away to avoid taking up arms on either
side, or crowded still more ignominiously on the
path of the invader, to ask protection at his hand.^
The ravages and outrages of November and De-
cember had convinced the Jerseymen that there
was no protection for them but in the sword.^
The tidings from the northward seemed to indi-
cate a combined movement of the two hostile ar-
xnies, — a measure so accordant with sound military
principles, that Washington, supposing that his ad-
versary would do what evidently he ought to do,
and looking suspiciously upon the passes of the
Highlands, advanced first to Morristown, next to
Pompton Plains, and thence to Ramapo Clove.
In the midst of these movements came disastrous
tidings from the North.
" General St. Clair," Greene writes from Pompton
Plains on the 13th of July, " who commanded at Ticon-
deroga, has evacuated that important post. His garrison
consisted of between four and five thousand men, in good
health and high spirits. With such a garrison, strongly
intrenched and well armed, fully supplied with provisions
and ammunition, and the works defended by one hundred
and seventy pieces of cannon, it was evacuated without
firing a gun. General Schuyler had two thousand men
with him at Fort Edward. General Nixon was on his
1 Gordon,Vol. II.p.470. Sparks's ^ Letters to a Nobleman upon the
Washington, Vol. IV. pp. 465 - 482. Conduct of the War in the Middle
Arnold to Mifflin. Almon's Remem- Colonies. Letter III.
brancer, Vol. V. p. 268.
398 LIFE OF NATILINAEL GREENE. [1777.
march from Albany with upwards of one thousand Con-
tinental troops, the militia of the country coming in from
all quarters to the aid of the garrison ; and the command-
ing officer, fully acquainted with all these circumstances,
has abandoned the post. What could induce him to take
such a measure God only knows ! Burgoyne's whole
force only consisted of five thousand five hundred men,
— the whole is a mystery to all the army. Charity obliges
me to suspend all ill-natured reflections, but I fear tliere
has been some misconduct somewhere. Our aftairs never
were in so prosperous a train as they were before this.
This affair will give us a severe wound. But by the
blessing of God I hope to recover the shock. What has
become of the garrison, whether they are prisoners or
gone down to No. 4, I cannot learn. I think it is proba-
ble I shall be sent to the North.
" General Howe and almost all his troops are embarked,
their destination unknown. I have had some fears for
Providence, but Philadelphia or the North River are ob-
jects of much greater importance. We are on our march
to join General Putnam on the North River."
It was evident that somebody must be promptly
sent to the North. Washington felt the necessity,
but hesitated in his choice.
" It is not determined who goes to Ticonderoga,"
Greene writes to his wife on the 17th. " I can plainly see
the General wants me to go, but is unwilling to part with
me ; he has set several persons to sound my inclinations.
1 will go if tlie General give the order and the good of the
service requires it ; but I feel a reluctance, and the more
so as it is disagreeable to you. If I am left at liberty to
consult my own inclination, I shall not go ; but if my honor
and reputation becomes interested, I must consent, and I
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 399
am sure your love and affection is such, if my character is
at stake, to give your consent also."
As he foresaw, the General was " unwilling to
part with him " ; and for him the change would have
been the more unwelcome, as his wife was now
within a day's ride of him at Mr. Lott's, and he was
very happy to have her there.
" Mr. and Mrs. Lott," he writes, " are laying us under
an obligation never to be cancelled ; their politeness,
kindness, hospitality and friendship to you and me im-
presses my heart with a weight of gratitude that almost
makes me unhappy from the little prospect I have of
making a suitable return for their goodness. Never did I
see a finer family in all my life. I am sure you will love
and respect them. . . . I long to be with you again. The soft
delights, the sweet pleasures of social endearments I felt
at our meeting, still dances round my heart, makes me
wish their continuance; but Fate, cruel Fate! cuts the
thread, and leaves but the remembrance of past pleasures
to console us for solid enjoyments. Heaven grant you
protection, my dear angel, through all the slippery paths
of life, give you prudence, patience, and health to enjoy
your friends and make everybody love you as I do, —
only in a less degree ! "
No wonder that he looked reluctantly upon a
campaign in Canada. Lincoln, a judicious and brave
officer was sent in his stead, and he gladly remained
by the side of his beloved commander. Still closely
watching the British, General Washington advanced
eleven miles into the Clove, making, says Picker-
ing's diary, " his head-quarters at Galloways, an old
log-house. The General lodged in a bed, his family
400 LIFE OF NATIUJN'AEL GREENE. [1777.
on the floor about him. We had plenty of supawn
and milk, and all were contented." ^
" His conduct is puzzling and embarrassing beyond
measure," Washington writes to Schuyler on the 22d.
" So are the informations which I get. At one time the
ships are standing up towards the North River ; in a little
while they are going up the Sound ; and in an hour after
they are going out of the Hook." ^
Again the army was drawn back to Ramapo.
" We are this moment returned to our old quarters at
this place," Greene writes to his wife on the 28d. " Our
future motions will depend entirely upon General Howe's
motions. If he goes into New England, we shall follow
him ; if he goes to Philadelphia, we shall go there. Our
march will (be) rapid if the fleet moves to the westward.
I hope, however, not so rapid but that I shall have an
opportunity to call and see you. If our accommodations
were better, and your health and strength capable of en-
during the fatigue, I could wish to see you here to-morrow,
and some of the young ladies with you. Our accommo-
dations are not good. However, I believe our stay will
be short here, — perhaps we may march in the morning.
If you should set out to come on, if we sliould march I
shall send forward an aide-de-camp to notify you thereof.
This I shall do whether you come or not, if we march to
Philadelphia or to the eastward."
At last the veil was partly lifted.
" I have just received information," Washington writes
to Lincoln on the 24th, " that the fleet left the Hook yes-
1 Pickering's MSS. Diary. For rapher, Octavius Pickering, of Cam-
the use of whicli I am indebted to bridge.
the kindness of his son and biog- ^ Sparks, "Vol. IV. p. 505.
1777.] LIFE OF NATH.\N.\EL GREENE. 401
terday, and as I think the Delaware the most probable
place of their destination, I shall immediately move the
army that way."^
By the end of the month the American army was
once more on the banks of the Delaware, — part of
them at Coryell's Ferry, part at Howell's Ferry, and
part at Trenton, — still waiting in painful uncertain-
ty to become assured " of the real destination of
the enemy.
" 2
1 Spaiks's Washington, Vol. IV. p. 505. 2 jbid., Vol. V. p. 7.
26
CHAPTER XVIII.
Greene, Sullivan, and Knox on the Point of resigning. — Their Con-
duct misrepresented. — Defects of tlie Civil Government of the
Revolution. — Change in the Relations bewteen Congress and the
Country. — Relations of Congress to the State Governments. — To
the Army. — Opposition and Collisions. — Question of Promotion.
— Letters to John Adams. — Foreign Officers. — Du Coudray. —
Conditional Tender of Resignation. — Congress very angry. — Reso-
lutions. — Interruption of Greene's Correspondence with John
Adams. — Letter to President of Congress.
"Wf HILE all eyes were thus turned northward
or seaward, and attention was waiting pain-
fully upon the steps of Howe and Burgoyne, of
Schuyler and Washington, another question had
arisen vvhich threatened for the moment to deprive
the country of the services of three of its best gen-
erals, Greene, Sullivan, and Knox. As the story of
this transaction has never yet been fully told, and
Greene has more than once been taxed with pre-
cipitancy for an act which was the result of mature
deliberation, I shall endeavor, as far as my mate-
rials permit, to show by what causes he was led, at
so critical a moment, to an act so decisive as the
conditional tender of his resio-nation.
It was one of the' misfortunes of the times, that
the civil government of the Revolution should have
resolved upon a legislative assembly. Tli.e first Con-
tinental Congress enjoyed and deserved in a re-
1777.] LIFE OF NATIL\NAEL GREEXE. 403
markable degree the respect and confidence of the
country. The second Congress was composed of
eminent men, and succeeded, for a time, to the
honors and reputation of the first. But when it at-
tempted to pass from discussion to organization, and
to direct as well as to frame the machinery of ad-
ministration, its delays and disputes and errors and
contradictions and hesitations excited a well-found-
ed distrust of its executive skill. Conscious of this
distrust, it became jealous of its authority ; and in-
stead of endeavoring to regain, by correcting its
errors, the ground which it had lost by committing
them, it grew suspicious and exacting in proportion
to the decay of its strength. And wdiile this criti-
cal change in its relations to the country was tak-
ing place, important changes took place also in
the materials of which it was composed, — some
of its wisest members being removed by death,
or imperative calls to other fields of duty, or by
failing of re-election at the regular expiration of
their terms of office.
Among the first elements with which it was
brought into collision were the newly organized
governments of the States. The question of State
rights, that unsolved problem of our history, begins
almost with the beginning of the war. How abun-
dant and active the materials of disunion were, and
how difficult it was even for leadino; men to rise
above them might be proved by numerous passages
in the letters of Washington and Greene, if it were
not still more evident from the conduct of the local
404 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
legislatures. How fur this spirit might have been
coiihteracted or controlled if the policy of the Con-
gress had been that policy of prompt decision and
energetic action which, commanding respect at all
times, commands in times of general danger gen-
eral and implicit obedience, it is impossible to say.
The problem of union was a complex problem,
hedged round with natural and artificial difficulties,
to which the f)olitical science of the day, contem-
plating it from a lower point of view and with a
narrow horizon, afforded no satisfiictory solution.
To meet it and solve it in the midst of an ex-
hausting civil war required a larger comprehension,
a firmer control of the passions, and a clearer per-
ception of general truths, than are often given to
large bodies, whether they meet for deliberation
or for action. They were not given to the Congress
nor to the State governments of the Revolution.
Another element with which it was brought into
immediate and constant relations was the army ;
and, unfortunately for both, these relations, from
their very nature, brought into immediate and con-
stant contrast the elements of opposition which they
both contained, rather than the elements of har-
monious action, which they also contained in an
almost equal degree. If the Congress was com-
posed of the representatives of the people, the army
was composed in a large proportion of the con-
stituents of the Congress. More than once also,
during the course of the war, men who had done
good service for their country as soldiers, withdraw-
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 405
ing from their original field of action, did equally
good service for her as statesmen. And more than
once, too, men who had proved themselves wise and
eloquent in counsel were found at the head of a
regiment, or even in more subordinate positions in
the army. Sullivan, Schuyler, and Varnum became
distinguished members of Congress, after having
been distinguished generals, John Dickinson was
serving in the army during a part of 1776 with the
same zeal with which he had served in Coni»:ress
during another part of the same year. Washington
himself had passed directly from his seat in Con-
gress Hall to the camp before Boston. The real
interest and the real object of the citizen in arms
and of the citizen in the toga were still the same.
But their point of view was different. The ever-
present object of Congress was discussion as a
means of organization. The ever-present object of
the leaders of the army was decision as a means of
action. Congress counted obstacles, weighed dif-
ficulties, balanced opposing advantages, eating and
sleeping meanwhile and refreshing mind and body
as nature bade. But while Congress was deliberat-
ing upon the best way of procuring meat, the army
was often brought to the verge of starvation for the
want of it. While Congress was discussing by a
w^arm fire the most eligible method of providing the
army with tents and blankets, half the army was
sleeping on the snow without either blanket or tent.
While Congress was framing elaborate resolutions,
and drawing out and equipping regiments upon
40G LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
IDiiper, officers in the field were standing disheart-
ened before their thinned and disheartened ranks.
No object could wear the same shape or color to
men who contemplated it from such difterent points
of view.
And yet the object of Congress and the army was
the same, — independence; and in both bodies the
leaders were contending for it under the same fear-
ful responsibility of fortune and life.
In an organized government, the army, however
constituted, is the instrument of government, and
subject implicitly to its control. In a revolutionary
government, the army is the organ of revolution ;
and government, in its relations with it, must rec-
ognize its equal claims to respect and considera-
tion, for the only hold upon it is the hold of
opinion. When the war began, Congress held the
army by harmony of opinion, and might easily
have continued so to hold it until the end of the
war. But to do this, it should have made it its
aim to inspire the army with confidence in its
justice and energy. Errors of statesmanship, like
errors of generalship, would easily have been for-
given and forgotten ; for both statesmen and gen-
erals had still nuich to learn. Unfortunately, while
the best generals strove earnestly to correct their
errors by their experience. Congress, in too many
things, clung obstinately to its errors, in spite of
the most decisive experience.
Those errors were twofold, — errors of policy
and errors of principle, — the one tending to un-
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 407
dermine the respect which, m the beginning, was
felt for their wisdom ; the other, to awaken a gen-
eral distrust of their justice.
The first year of the war demonstrated the dan-
ger of short enlistments and temporary levies.
But more than half the second year was allowed
to pass before it was decided to raise an army for
the whole duration of the war. The first campaign
demonstrated the necessity of providing by reg-
ularly organized departments for the food, clothing,
and transportation of the army ; but it was not till
late in the second year that a board of war was
organized; and not till later still that the Quar-
termaster-General and Commissary-General were
allowed to devote themselves to their duty in
camp, instead of waiting idly for orders at the door
of Congress. All experience and the simplest rea-
soning showed the importance of strengthening the
hands of their General by passing promptly all the
acts needed for the conduct of an army in the
field, or the support and instruction of an army in
quarters ; but, in spite of all experience and the
plainest reason. Congress persisted in its unsea-
sonable delays. Washington was compelled to
take the field, with his ranks half filled, his maga-
zines inadequately supplied, and his men badly
clothed, badly armed, and often ignorant of the
first rudiments of their duty. The policy of the
Congress, in the organization and support of the
army, was a policy of tergiversation and delay.
No wonder that the army, leaders and all, should
early lose their confidence in its wisdom !
408 LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. [1777.
Eut the dissatisfaction did not end here. One of
the earliest felt of the numerous wants of the army
was the want of good ofheers, — men to whose in-
telli<'-enee, iudo-ment, and consciences the lives of
their suljordinates could be intrusted with full
confidence that the trust would neither be rashly
assumed nor carelessly administered. To select
them in the beginning from the mass of unproved
candidates was impossible ; but in the course of
two campaigns, the characters and pretensions of
men were well tried, the chaff thoroughly sifted,
and what remained might be confidently accepted
as sound. The army of 1777 contained materials
out of which all the vacant grades might be safely
and adequately filled ; not, indeed, with men who
had learned their profession in all its details, but
with men who had been tried in battle, had been
tried in long marches and comfortless encamp-
ments, and who had given abundant proofs of
courage, intelligence, and endurance. The raw
recruits that came into the hands of men like
these soon became patient of labor and privation,
and bold in the presence of the enemy. It was
evidently the policy of Congress to secure by all
proper and reasonable inducements the services of
such officers for the war. It was the duty of Con-
gress, in its dealings with them, to remember that
in becoming soldiers, and exposing themselves to
the dangers and privations of a soldier's life, they
adopted, with the ideas of subordination that lie
at the basis of military discipline, the ideas of rank
1777.] ■ LIFE OF NATHAN.\EL GREENE. 409
and grade which define and circumscribe that sub-
ordination.
But Congress remembered nothing of this. It
required of them the service of officers, but gave
them a pay hardly sufficient to enable them to live
like private soldiers. It demanded the present
sacrifice of cold, hunger, hard service, and exposure
to sickness, wounds, and death ; and refused the
prospective reward of half-pay or pension when
sickness or wounds should have incapacitated them
for further exertion, or death should have made
their wives unprotected widows, and their chil-
dren helpless orphans. Forgetting that pride is an
essential element of the military character, and
that self-respect is essential to a healthy and sus-
taining pride, it trifled with their claims to rank by
the accepted rules of service, and claimed and ex-
ercised the power of dealing with commissions ac-
cording to its own good pleasure. John Adams, as
we have already seen, did not hesitate to write :
" Our late promotions may possibly give disgust,
but that cannot be avoided " ; and by an error
which, though not uncommon, is one of the most
baneful into which a statesman can fall, applying
a principle of Grecian and Roman polity to a so-
ciety founded upon an entirely different basis from
that of Greece and Rome, he added : —
" I hope, for my own part, that Congress will elect an-
nually all the general officers. If, in consequence of this,
some great men should be obliged at the year's end to go
home and serve their country in some other capacity, not
410 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
less necessary, and better adapted to their genius, I do
not think tht3 public would be ruined. The officers of the
army ought to consider that the rank, the dignity, and the
rights of whole States, are of more importance than this
point of honor ; more, irideed, than the solid glory of any
particular officer. The States insist, with great justice
and sound policy, on having a share of the general officers
in some proportion to the quotas of troops they are to
raise. This principle has occasioned some of our late
promotions ; and it ought to satisfy gentlemen. But, if
it does not, they, as well as the public, must abide the con-
sequences of their discontent." ^
It did not satisfy gentlemen ; for they very
naturally thought that the sacrifice of domestic
happiness and professional advantages which they
had made, and were still making, gave them an un-
questionable claim to all the privileges which the
usages of modern society- attached to their official
position. They felt that, by those usages, to be
superseded was to be degraded; and that, if much
was due to the critical condition of their coun-
try', something also was due to that universal
principle of human nature which compels the man
who has been degraded in his own eyes to look
upon himself as hopelessly degraded in the eyes of
the world. Therefore the laws of promotion be-
came at a very early period of the war a subject of
serious thought to all who were within the sphere
of their influence ; and, except the Commander-in-
chief, all were almost equally within it. And thus,
as early as the second campaign, it came to be re-
1 Life of John Adams, by Charles Francis Adams, p. 263.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 411
garded as an accepted principle, and consequently,
an imperative rule of action, that the promotion of
a junior officer over a senior must, except in the
case of some distinguished service, be received as a
public declaration that the senior was unfit for his
position.^
How Greene felt upon this subject, and how he
felt towards Congress, will best appear from his
own letters. His correspondence with Samuel
Ward from the camp before Boston had given him
an early view of the dissensions in Congress ; and
his official position, as well as his personal relations
towards Washington, had given him a distinct view
of the dilatoriness of its action. Still, he had
hoped that the Declaration of Independence, by
pledging all to the same cause, might lead to
greater harmony of sentiment, and that the ne-
cessity of united exertion for sustaining that dec-
laration might produce greater promptness of
action. How these hopes waxed and waned with
the fluctuations of events I have already shown,
wherever I have found an expression of them in
his letters. In 1777 they had sunk very low.
1 For the facts on which these gen- ened enthusiasm in spite of the errors
eralizations are founded, I must refer of Congress and the shortcomings of
to Washington's and Greene's let- the people. But for the reverence in-
ters, to the Journals of Congress, and spired by Washington, the people
to the contemporary histories, which, would have failed the Congress and
if I am not greatly mistaken, bear me Congress the people. But for the
fully out in all my positions. It is sustaining sympathy of Greene, Sul-
the greatest of all absurdities to rep- livan^ Schuyler, Knox, Hamilton, the
resent the Revolution as the work of two Morrises, and a few more, both
either the people or of Congress ; it civilians and soldiers, Washington
was the work of a few leading men would have sunk under the burden
who inspired confidence and awak- of responsibility and labor.
412 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
We have alrearl j found him writing to "Washing-
ton from Philadelphia, towards the end of March :
" There is so much deliberation and waste of time
in the execution of business before this Assembly,
that my patience is almost exhausted. I cannot
get the resolve respecting the cartel passed so soon
as I want it. I know your delicate situation, and
the anxiety you must be under." For want of this
cartel, hundreds of gallant soldiers were languish-
ing in the sugar-houses and prison-ships of New
York.
On the 8th of April Congress had passed a re-
solve for erectino; monuments to Warren and Mer-
cer. One had already been voted to Montgomery
on the 2oth of January, 1776. Greene welcomes
the act as wise and just. He sees in it the means
of binding the Congress and the arm}"" more closely
together, and strengthening the influence of the
one by increasing the confidence of the other.
" The monamcnts," he writes to John Adams on the
2d of May, " you are erecting to the memory of the great
heroes Warren, Montgomery, and Mercer will be a pleas-
ing circumstance to the army in general, and, at the same
time, a piece of justice due to the bravery of the un-
fortunate generals. These things are attended with but
little expense, and have great influence. I would beg
leave to propose another species of honor to animate the
living to great and worthy actions. Patriotism is a
glorious principle, but never refuse her the necessary
aids. Let a number of medals be struck, of dilTerent
figures cm!)lematical of great actions, with a motto ex-
pressive of the same. Tiicsc medals to be presented by
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN.U^L GREENE. 413
Congress to such of the officers as shall perform some
great and noble act, — specified by some previous resolu-
tion for that purpose, — the officer that claims it to wear
it as a mark of distinction due to his merit. These will
be a species of honors attended with no expense, and at
the same time have a great influence. Tliey will also
serve to fix the honors of the army, dependent upon the
dignity of Congress ; and I conceive it an object of great
importance to unite the wishes of the army with the
views of Congress
" I concur with you in sentiment as to the pro-
priety and necessity of taxation. Had the measure been
adopted in New England, instead of endeavoring to regu-
late the prices of things, it would have had a much better
effect. You may rely upon the army in general, and me
in particular, doing everything in our power to aid and
assist the Congress in carrying into execution every ne-
cessary resolve as far as our influence extends."
If he was frank in condemning the errors of Con-
greSvS, he was evidently no less frank in acknowl-
edging its merits. Nor was he less ready to
acknowledge the vices of the army.
" You lament," he writes to the same correspondent on
the 28tli of May, " the general corruption of manners, and
the increase of vicious habits, that prevail in the army.
It is a serious truth, and much to be lamented. I know
of nothing that a people can receive in exchange for the
loss of their morals that is an equivalent. I am sensible
of the force and justice of your remarks, that the vices of
the army prevent many from engaging in the service,
more than the hardships and dangers attending it.
" I am not one of those fine gentlemen who despises all
moral rectitude and religious duties. Although I am no
414 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
eiitluisiast, nevertheless I most devoutly believe in the ob-
servance of religious duties."
lie had already written, " The clergy are most
certainly useful and necessary in the army, and
ought to be decently provided for."
Adams, it must be remembered, was chairman of
the Board of War: —
" You say," Greene writes to him on the 7th of May,
" your opinion is of no consequence to the continent, and
you are happy it is not. You add, had you conceived the
conduct of our army, or the defence against the operations
of th.e enemy, depended in any degree upon you, you
should not have contented yourself with such vague con-
jectures. I am at a loss to conceive your meaning. Are
not the military operations entirely under the direction of
Congress ? Have you not all the information that we
have respecting the enemy's force and ours ? Are you
not acquainted with the enemy's motions, and of ours
also, as early as possible ? Are you not as deeply inter-
ested in the consequences of this dispute as any one man
in America ? Have your constituents not a right to ex-
pect you'll give your counsel in every instance when it
may be useful ? Would you persuade me you are insen-
sible of the weight and influence your opinion hath in all
public measures ? Under all these considerations, how
am I to conceive your opinion is of no consequence, and
that you are happy it is not ?
" I readily agree with you in sentiment, that there is no
one man, either in the civil or military line, of such
mighty consequence that the liberties of America are de-
pendent upon his will or existence. Yet tiiere are several
in both departments that America might sensibly feel the
loss of at this time. If I could persuade myself that am-
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 415
bition was the leading principle, either in the cabinet or
field, I would have no further connection with the dispute ;
for I feel the principle of humanity too forcibly to think
myself justifiable to sacrifice the happiness of thousands
only for the purpose of rearing up a few important char-
acters.
" I note your observations upon a certain general, that
he might be of more importance to the continent if he
thought himself of less. Your opinion, in this instance,
is very different (if I remember right) from what it was
last summer upon a similar occasion. Then you said it
was necessary to think more of ourselves and thino;s less
impracticable, — this was the way to surmount difficulties.
Although I wish the Congress to support their dignity in
every instance, yet I hope they will carefully avoid sport-
ing with the finer feelings of the gentlemen of the army,
unless it is necessary for the good of the public or to
support their own dignity,
" You observe that prejudice, caprice, and variety are
the common offspring of all revolutions, and that I have
less to fear from them than I imagine. These evils will
rather increase than decrease with the confusion of the
times, and they will rage in proportion as the dispute
grows more or less doubtful. If you wish to establish
your own authority ; if you wish to give a proper tone to
every State ; if you wish to silence all the little factions
that restless spirits may produce ; if you wish to be feared
abroad, and loved and respected at home, — establish
your army in its full force. Nothing can give you so
much authority, weight, and dignity as an army at your
command, superior to all your foreign and domestic ene-
mies. The prospect of safety will be a pleasing circum-
stance to the people, and conciliate and reconcile them
fully to your administration. An army thus organized,
government fully established in the respective States, the
41G LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
authority of Congress fully acknowledged by each, cannot
fail of making America both easy and contented and
happy at home, and loved and feared abroad. Nothing
can be more mortifying and distressing to the feelings of
humanity than a long continuance of the present calami-
ties ; and more especially when we consider that, by a
proper exertion, we may exterminate those hostile in-
vaders of human happiness and the rights of mankind.
Remember the long war with the United States, and the
blood and treasure spent in that dispute for want of a
proper exertion at first."
It is evident, from these letters, that Greene is far
from claiming for the military department powers
that belong to the civil department. Another letter
brings out this fact in still stronger light : —
" I have had it hinted to me," he says in a letter of
the 28th of May, " that General Schuyler was about to
be created President of the Congress, and to hold his
military command in the army. I take this early oppor-
tunity of expressing my abhorrence of such a measure.
No free people ought to admit a junction of the civil and
military ; and no man of good principles would ask it, or
ever accept of an appointment which may be improved
by corruption to the prejudice and injury of the rights of
a free people. The best way to guard against evil is to
avoid temptation. If General Schuyler is (of) a mind
to be in Congress, let him resign his commission, and not
hold two offices so incompatible one with the other. I
have no objection to General Schuyler as a general, nei-
ther have I to his being President of the Congress, if he
is thought to be the most suitable person for that impor-
tant trust. But he must cease to be a general before he
commences a member of Congress. I will not hold a
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 417
commission under that State who blends those two char-
acters together. I think them incompatible with the
safety of a free people, and I can assure you, I am not
fighting for a change of masters, but to have none but the
law."
But while he was thus prepared to uphold the
dignity of the civil power he claimed the privilege
of freely animadverting upon its errors.
" I have no wish to see such a large proportion of im-
portant offices in the military department in the hands of
foreigners. I cannot help considering them as so many
spies in our camp,^ ready to take their measures as their
interest may direct. If foreigners are introduced, their
command should not be very extensive, then the injury
cannot be great, but even in this case it is an injury to
America, for the multiplying foreign officers gives us no
internal strength. A good nursery of officers, nursed by
experience, firmly attached to the interest of the country,
is a great security against foreign invaders. The only
tie that we have upon foreigners, is the sentiment of
honor, too slender for the happiness of a country to de-
pend upon, — while officers created from among the peo-
ple are bound, not only by the ties of honor, but by that
of interest and family connection. We, in many instances,
see the 'power of British gold; let us not neglect to
guard against its influence. I have no narrow prejudices
upon this subject, neither have I any private differences
with any of those gentlemen. My opinion is founded
upon the general conduct of mankind."
1 That Greene's view of the real de Broglie. The remark does not
character of many of these men was apply, nor in strict chronology could
just, no one can doubt who has read it, to Lafayette or Steuben. Fleury,
Duportail's letter to the French Min- Armand, Kosciusko, and Pulaski
ister, or DeKalb's letters to the Duke also belong to the exceptions.
27
418 LIFE OF NATIL\NAEL GREENE. [1777.
On the 28tli of May, in the same letter in which
he speaks so strongly of the rumored appointment
of Schuyler to the Presidency of Congress, he re-
turns again to the subject of foreign officers : —
" I must again repeat the impropriety of creating so
many foreign officers. A very considerable part of our
force will get into their hands. What method can Great
Britain take to defeat us more effectually than to intro-
duce a great number of foreigners into the army, and
bind them to their interest by some very interesting con-
siderations ? That this is practicable, nobody will doubt.
That we ought to guard against it, everybody must al-
low, British gold may reason forcibly with those whose
hopes and future expectations are not connected with the
people they betray.
" I am told by Captain Moduit (Mauduit), a French
gentleman lately created a captain in the train of artil-
lery, that one Du Coudre (Coudray) is engaged by Mr.
Deane as major-general of the train. The impropriety of
putting a foreigner at the head of such a department
must be obvious to everybody : besides the impropriety,
you will deprive the army of a most valuable officer, uni-
versally acknowledged as such. The exchange will be
much against you, besides the injustice you will do to a
man who has served you with fidelity and reputation. I
beg you will take it under consideration seasonably. I
know not the powers of Mr. Deane, but I think such pow-
ers are dangerous and unfit to trust with any man. If
this gentleman is to be appointed a major-general, I wish
it may be of the foot instead of the artillery."
Washington was writing letters of similar import
at the same time.^ And in a letter of the 4th of
1 See particularly a letter of May 31st, to the President of Congress.
Sparks, Vol. IV. p. 444.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 419
June to one of his brothers, Greene repeats in sub-
stance what he had twice represented so strongly
to Mr. Adams.
" God knows how long this war may last ; the want
of union and virtue among the Americans may protract
it for some time. We have now a very respectable force
in the field from the southward, though not large. The
Eastern troops are very backward in coming on. The
State of Pennsylvania is in great confusion. The Qua-
kers are poisoning everybody : foolish people ! The
Congress and 1 do not agree in politics ; they are intro-
ducing a great many foreigners. I think it dangerous to
trust so large a part of the American army to the com-
mand of strangers. British gold is of a poisonous qual-
ity, and the human heart treacherous to the last de-
gree. There are no less than four general officers of the
[French] nation now in the American service. There is
a French gentleman sent over by Mr. Deane to have the
command of all the artillery in America. If his appoint-
ment is confirmed, it "will rob us of one of the best, or at
least, as good an officer as we have in the service, Gen-
eral Knox. I tremble for the consequences, as I fear it
"will ruin the "whole corps, and it is now upon a very re-
spectable footing, and increasing in perfection daily.
Wisdom and prudence sometimes forsake the wisest
bodies. I am exceedingly distressed at the state of things
in the great National Council."
With an opinion so decided, so evidently the
result of patient meditation, and so perfectly in
harmony with the opinion of Washington, it is
easy to conceive that he watched the action of
Congress carefully, and waited anxiously for the
result. He received assurances, it is said, from Mr.
420 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
Adams, that Deane's contract would not be con-
firmed;^ but he received also, through another
channel and from another member of Congress, an
equally positive assurance, not only that Du Cou-
dray had obtained the full rank which that contract
assured him, but that his commission was to be
dated from the 1st of August, of the preceding year,
eight days earlier than his own. If he had ap-
proved of Knox's view of the question, while as
yet it had no apparent bearing upon his own rank,
he could not hesitate about the course which self-
respect and consistency required of him, when it
was thus unexpectedly brought to his door. In
the view of the army, to be superseded, was to
be degraded ; and, in a position wholly dependent
upon opinion for its efficiency, to be degraded
was to be deprived of the power of honorable ex-
ertion. On the 1st of July, more than a month
after he had called the attention of Mr. Adams to
Du Coudray's pretensions, he wrote to the Presi-
dent of Congress : —
" A report is circulating here at camp, that Monsieur
Du Coudray, a French gentleman, is appointed a major-
general in the service of the United States, his rank to
commence from the 1st of last August ; if the report be
true, it will lay me under the necessity of resigning my
commission, as his appointment supersedes me in com-
mand. I beg you '11 acquaint me with respect to the
truth of the report, and if true, enclose me a permit to
retire."
1 Life of John Adams, p. 264.
1777.] LIFE OF NATH-4JS\\EL GREENE. 421
The same mail which carried this letter carried
letters of the same import from Sullivan and
Knox. Congress was ver}^ f^ngrj? ^^'^^ after dis-
cussing them Saturday, July 5th, resumed the
discussion Monday, the Tth ; and, " unanimously "
resolved : —
" That the President transmit to General Washington
copies of the letters from Generals Sullivan, Greene, and
Knox to Congress, with directions to him to let those
officers know that Congress consider the said letters as an
attempt to influence their decisions, an invasion of the
liberties of the people, and indicating a want of confi-
dence in the justice of Congress ; that it is expected by-
Congress the said officers will make proper acknowledg-
ments for an interference of so dangerous a tendency;
but if any of those officers are unwilling to serve their
country, under the authority of Congress, they shall be
at liberty to resign their commissions and retire." ^
John Adams, it is supposed by his biographer,
was the author of this resolution ; ^ and, not con-
tent with this, he wrote Greene a private letter,
"placing before him at once," says the same au-
thority, " the alternative of withdrawing his act
or of giving in his resignation." How Greene
viewed Adams's letter I have no positive means
of ascertaining. Mr. C. F. Adams says, " Greene
never answered Mr. Adams's private letter, nor did
he resume the correspondence." ^ The correspond-
ence, it is true, was dropped somewhere about this
time : and it is not till the 28th of January, 1782,
1 See Journals of Congress ad ^ Life of John Adams, p. 264.
diem. ^ Ibid., p. 265.
422 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE, [1777.
that I again find liini writing to Mr. Adams. But
in that letter, which was an answer to a letter of
Mr. Adams, introducing the Count de Noailles, and
expressing a desire to renew their correspondence,
he not only says, '' the correspondence had been
dropped from your disinclination and not mine,"
but attributes that disinclination to " prejudices "
which Adams " had let in to my disadvantage, such
as my being more influenced by men than meas-
ures, and that in the field I had neither activity
nor enterprise. However mortifying these things
were, my pride would not permit me to undeceive
you." Now, unless we suppose Greene's memory
to have been singularly at fault, we must lay the
interruption of the correspondence to Mr. Adams,
and not to him ; and, consequently, must suppose
that he did answer the letter in which his some-
what arrogant correspondent undertook to instruct
him in the law of duty and honor. What the
tone of that answer was likely to be may be con-
jectured from his letter of the 19th to the Presi-
dent of Congress, acknowledging the communica-
tion of the angry resolve of the 7th : —
" His Excellency has communicated to me a resolution
of Congress, of the 7th inst., founded upon three letters
from the Generals Sullivan, Knox, and myself, relative
to Mr. Du Coud ray's supposed appointment, agreeable to
the contract between him and Mr. Deane.
" I confess that it was matter of infinite surprise to me
that an interpretation of so deep a complexion should
have been put upon a meaning so innocent and inoffensive
•
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 423
as that contained in those letters. Nor can I be per-
suaded but that Congress, upon a dispassionate review of
the matter, will readily perceive that they have embraced
ideas by no means deducible from anything we have
done ; and will in justice recall a censure equally severe,
unmerited, and injurious. It is a fact well known, that
Mr. Deane, a public envoy from these States, did make
a contract with Mr. Du Coudray investing him with the
supreme command of the artillery, and the rank of major-
general from the 1st of August last ; this contract I
verily believed the Congress had con6rmed and ratified.
It is unnecessary to mention the reasons that induced
that belief; but what seemed to stamp it with infallible
certainty was a letter from a member of Congress to
that import, who might be supposed to speak the sense of
that body.
" We could not possibly divine the secret intentions of
Congress ; and could only judge from appearances and
circumstances of common notoriety, which concurred to
establish the idea that prevailed. On the supposition that
I was superseded by Mr. Du Coudray, could my feelings
and determination be any other than what they there ap-
peared ? And can it be said that I had not competent
ground for making that supposition ? Its not having
been at once openly announced by Congress is no objec-
tion to it, for this was ascribed to, and might have pro-
ceeded from, motives of delicacy ; for although reasons of
policy might demand the sacrifice, and necessity urge the
measure, yet that delicacy would dictate the propriety
that the knowledge of it should come to me through a
different and more indirect channel.
" I see not how similar applications to Congress from
three officers, equally interested in the same event, and
consequently speaking the same language, on a principle
so natural, and so well supported as that which actuated
424 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENR [1777.
US, could be deemed a combination, or construed into an
attempt to ' influence their discussions, an invasion of
the liberties of the people, and indicating a want of
confidence in the justice of Congress.' Did I not know
it to be the case, I could not imagine tliat these ex-
pressions had not other foundation than merely a request
(from officers who had reason to believe themselves su-
perseded), to be permitted to retire, on condition it
should be so ; how could this be considered as an attempt
to influence their decisions? For my own part, I shall
retire from the service without a single murmur, when
the interest or happiness of my country demands so ne-
cessary a sacrifice. I trust the Congress in all their acts
have an eye to the common good, and never do violence to
the feelings of individuals, but where necessity sanctifies
the measure. To refuse a person liberty to retire in this
situation would be cruel and unjust. I do not hold my
character as an officer in such high estimation as to think
that declaring my intention to resign could have any
effect upon the determination of Congress, especially in a
matter in which 't is to be supposed they act either from
national views of policy, or from a preference to superior
merit. Neither am I disposed to enter into any unlawful
combination to do myself private justice, however great
ray injuries, real or imaginary. In the present case my
situation was rendered ineligible ; my feelings as a soldier
forbid my holding a command that was linked with
evident signs of personal degradation. I had no con-
ception tliat an application founded upon a supposed
event could either be afli-ontive to the delicacy or dignity
of tlie governors of a free people ; and, therefore, am
persuaded my meaning and intentions must have been
wliolly mistaken.
" Whatever influence I could have must be in propor-
tion to the importance of my military character ; take
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 425
this away, and I stand upon the footing of a common
citizen ; and it seems to me somewhat extraordinary,
that an offer to lay that aside should be deemed to import
such dangerous consequences as are imputed to it. I
did not complain of any injustice, demand reparation for
any injury, but simply state the information I received,
and ask permission to retire if it was true. The question
of right is entirely untouched.
" There are often weighty motives for superseding
officers of whatever rank, and this might possibly have
been the case in what I thought had happened, so that
the supposition did not by any necessary implication im-
peach the justice of Congress ; but as I was not acquaint-
ed with these reasons, and perhaps could hardly be
brought to feel their force if I was, I only declared my
wish to conform to those maxims universally "established
among civilized nations, and necessary to be upheld in
the military line, and to relinquish a station which I
could no longer fill with satisfaction or honor to myself.
I might add much to show that my letter does not war-
rant the construction put upon it ; but 't is a subject
of a delicate nature, and will not admit of a free dis-
cussion.
" With respect to that part of the resolution which
declares ' that if any of those officers are unwilling to
serve their country, under the authority of Congress, he
shall have liberty to retire,' I answer that I have all
the respect for Congress a free citizen ought to have for
the representatives of himself and the collective body of
the people, and that it is my glory and happiness to serve
my country, under the authority of those delegated by
her to direct her councils and support her interests. I
have not a single thought or wish inconsistent with this ;
but at the same time, I as freely answer that I esteem it
my duty to do it in a manner most compatible with the
426 LIFE OF NATHAN,\EL GREENE. [1777.
dignity of the man, the citizen, and that of a soldier,
while I sustain the character ; and will immediately re-
nounce any station in which I cannot act with honor,
and have recourse to that in which I can flatter myself I
shall always be ambitious of, the character of a useful
and good member of society. In my military capacity,
I have and will serve my country to the utmost of my
ability while I hold it, but I am determined to hold it
not a moment longer than I can do it unsullied and un-
violated."
" A letter of the 19th, from General Greene, and one
of the same date from Joseph Trumbull, were read," says
the Journal of Congress for the 23d of July, " Ordered,
To lie on the table."
" Your letter of the 8th was duly received," writes
Washington to the President of Congress, on the 12th of
July ; " and, agreeably to your request, I communicated
to Generals Greene and Knox the resolution of Congress
respecting them and General Sullivan, the last of whom
I have not seen since it came to hand." ^
No further allusion to the subject occurs, as
far as I have been able to ascertain, either in
the Journals of Congress or in the private cor-
respondence of the three generals. To Washing-
ton it is not probable that Greene communicated
either of his letters, for while he could entertain
no doubt of Washington's opinion as a soldier, he
had too much respect and consideration for his
position as commander-in-chief to ask for a posi-
tive expression of it upon so delicate an occasion.
What Washington thought his own letters show ;
1 Journals of Congress ad diem. Sparks's Washington, Vol. IV. p. 490.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 427
and, in weighing all the evidence, it seems more
than probable that Congress was upon the point of
committing a great injustice, and doing a very un-
wise and arbitrary act. As it was, on the very day
on which it passed its angry resolution it voted an
advance of a thousand dollars to Du Coudray ; and
it was not until the question had been many days in
the hands of a committee, and several times before
the House in committee of the whole, that a final
decision was reached. Instead of giving him the
command of all the artillery, it was resolved :
" That Mons. Du Coudray be appointed inspector-
general of ordnance and military manufactories,
with the rank of major-general." ^
1 Journals of Congress, Monday, Aug. 11, 1777.
CHAPTER XIX.
American Army on the Banks of the Delaware. — Perplexed by
Howe's Movements. — Different Opinions about them. — Uneasiness
caused by the Evacuation of Ticonderoga. — Glimpse of Inner Life.
— Schuyler and New England Officers. — Letters and Extracts. —
Council of War. — Lafayette. — Army on the Point of Moving
Northward. — Howe in Chesapeake Bay. — American Army
marches Southward. — March through Philadelphia. — "Washington
Reconnoitring. — Camp at Red Clay Creek. — Greene condemns
the Position. — Henry Lee. — Army at Chad's Ford. — Battle of
the Brandywine.
^Y^T^E left the Americans once more on the banks
^ ^ of the Delaware. It is easy to imagine how
the old soldiers felt as they looked upon the scene
of their winter sufferings and victory, — orchards
laden with fruit, fields almost ripe for the sickle,
where they had left ice and snow ; men and wom-
en at their daily work, and children merrily
playing in the streets and at the cottage doors,
where they had left an insolent enemy in all the
pride and all the terrors of war. How eagerly
must they have pointed out the sites of every in-
cident to their new companions. Here we strug-
gled with the ice. Here we landed. On that spot
Washington mounted his horse. It was there that
Sullivan struck into the river road ; and Greene
filed off to the left. At this hour, and just as day
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 429
was breaking, we found a man chopping wood, and
learned from him where to look for the guard.
Down that street we fired and charo-ed, and in this
orchard the Hessians laid down their arms. It is
easy, too, to conceive that neither Washington nor
Greene could approach these scenes without a
grateful swelling of the heart, and renewed con-
fidence in the justice of their cause.
But still all was uncertainty and doubt.
" General Howe's in a manner abandoning General
Burgoyne," writes Washington to Gates, from Coryell's
Ferry on the 30th, " is so unaccountable a matter that,
till I am fully assured it is so, I cannot help casting my
eyes continually behind me." ^
The next day brought intelligence that wore an
air of certainty, — the fleet was at the capes of the
Delaware. Washington and Greene would have
still waited for more positive information ; but the
pressure from without was so strong, that it was
decided to advance still nearer to Philadelphia and
take quarters at Germantown.^ And here Wash-
ington writes to his brother on the 5th of Au-
gust : —
" We have remained in a very irksome state of sus-
pense ; some imagining that they are gone to the south-
ward, whilst a majority, in whose opinion upon this oc-
casion I concur, are satisfied that they are gone to the
eastward." ^ " We are yet entirely in the dark," he
writes to Putnam on the 7th, and orders " the heavy
^ Sparks's Washington, Vol. V. p. 8. ^ Sparks, w< sup.
2 Ibid. p. 21, and Greene to Var-
num, inf.
430 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
baggage of the army to be thrown over the Delaware
acraiii " ; and holds " the men in constant readiness to
march the moment we receive any accounts of the
enemy." ^
Still. " casting his eyes " anxiously behind, he
put his army once more in motion for Coryell's
Ferry ; and once more the fleet was seen, and
again an express came, booted and spurred, from
Congress with the tidings. The army halts at the
Cross-roads in Buck's County, waiting anxiously,
curiously perhaps, to see how all these conflicting
movements will end. Time lags heavily, and all
grow impatient for a decision.
" We have been in and about the city of Philadelphia
for near a fortnight past," Greene writes to a brother on
the 11th of August, from the camp at the Cross-roads,
" ignorant of General Howe's destination. I hope it will
not be against New England, but I have my fears. We
were marching towards Coryell's Ferry from the city,
expecting the fleet was gone eastwardly, when, by an ex-
press from the President of Congress, last night, we
learned that the fleet are bound westwardly. I wish it
may be true. It was said that two hundred sail were
seen off the coast between Delaware and Chesapeake
bays ; but I doubt the intelligence, for I cannot per-
suade myself that General Burgoyne would dare to push
with such rapidity towards Albany, if he did not expect
support from General Howe."
Meanwhile one of the daily topics of conversa-
tion in camp, and at head-quarters, was the army in
Canada.
1 Sparks's Washington, Vol. V. p. 24.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 431
" You must learn to be a philosopher," Greene writes
to a brother, from whom he had received a desponding
letter ; " to behold misfortunes without repining, limit
the passions, the appetites, and desires to the state of the
body, and the necessity of the times. However un-
fortunate things may appear, let us console ourselves
with reflecting that the greatest good often springs out
of what we consider as the worst of evils. General
Burgoyne's triumphs and little advantages may serve to
bait his vanity, and lead him on to his total ruin. This
is not improbable when we consider the temper of the
human heart, the history of mankind, and the dispensa-
tions of Divine Providence upon the rise and fall of men
and kingdoms. The campaign opened with a very fortu-
nate train of circumstances. General Howe was foiled
in all his manoeuvres, and disgraced in every move-
ment. Our success was equal to our utmost wishes.
The Northern department has brought disgrace upon the
American arms, and a cloud over New England. But
even all these misfortunes may be a necessary prelude to
General Burgoyne's final overthrow. I agree with you,
that there is something very mysterious in conducting
the military operations to the northward. There must
have been a want of judgment in the choice of the posts
and extent of the works, or some great negligence in
fairly representing the true state of things. "We were
all led to believe the situation of the place so strong by
nature, and so improved by art, that the garrison was
sufficient to defend itself against any number that might
be brought against it. Whatever may be the source of
the misfortune, it is not owing to cowardice. I have
been with General St. Clair in two actions, and know
him to be a man of bravery ; and it is agreed on all
hands, that the garrison was in high health, and full of
spirits, and left the place with great reluctance. Charity
432 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
obliges me to suspend my opinion until there is a fair and
candid inquiry made into the cause of the evacuation of
Ticonderoga ; and if it was necessary to evacuate it, why
it had not been done earlief. If the stores and garrison
had been saved, tlie loss of the place would have been
inconsiderable."
His brother's letter contained gloomy pictures
of the condition of the country, and the spirit of
the people. Greene takes a wiser and calmer view
of things : —
" You lament the ruin of trade, the depreciation of
money, and the discontent of the people are so many
sure marks of the downfall of our cause. 'T is true our
trade is greatly injured ; but remember, whilst it rains
upon us the sun does not shine upon them. Oar trade
is, perhaps, not more injured than theirs ; we must
balance accounts in national suffering. If the diminu-
tion of their force and resources equal our misfortunes
and losses, then we are not sufferers on the great scale of
national gain. The depreciation of money is rather a
temporary and in some respects a local evil. The in-
crease of trade, and a proper attention to taxation, will
soon correct the evil. The army are the greatest suf-
ferers. All the other parts of the community regulate
their conduct and prices by one another. But the wages
of the army arc fixed and unchangeable. There is a
fund of hard money now establishing in Europe sufficient
to pay the interest of all our loans. This cannot fail of
establishing the credit of the money abroad and at
home. This is a good piece of policy. The discontent
of the people is not greater than is to be expected in
every revolution, when robbed of the blessings of peace
and plenty, and forced into a long, and distressing war
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 433
to obtain some future advantage, that they have but an
indistinct conception of. I have no doubt of a happy-
issue, although we may experience many calamities in
the course of the dispute."
Shall I brino^ another side-lio-ht of domestic feel-
ing into this self-drawn picture of the statesman
and soldier ?
'' You distress me exceedingly," he continues, " in
committing to my charge the care of your family. God
grant you may long live to discharge the duty yourself.
I feel the force of brotherly affection equally strong with
yourself. I have been equally happy in our mutual
good understanding. The sweet pleasures of social fel-
lowship have ever been one of the greatest sources of my
happiness. Few misfortunes in life, however tender my
other connections may be, could equal the loss. Although
I should esteem this charge one of my greatest misfor-
tunes, yet I trust I should discharge my duty to the sur-
vivors of the family with such a brotherly affection as to
leave no cause of a blush when we meet in another world.
But heaven avert so great an evil to them and to me, and
grant you long life and better health shall be my constant
prayer."
And Heaven heard the prayer ; and of his five
brothers, all survived him many years, — one of
them nearly a half-century, down to my early
manhood.
I have spoken wdth a natural pride of Greene's
having himself inoculated during his first visit to
New York, in spite of the prejudices against it
which had taken such m hold of the common
mind. I find a record of another common preju-
28
434 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREEiNE. [1777.
dice which he did not escape, and trifle as it may
seem, I record it, for such thinsrs are essential to
the truth of my portrait. He was told that his lit-
tle daughter was " marked with port w^ine."
" Be pleased," he writes, " to send some to the nurse
and direct her to wash the part and give the child a lit-
tle. This, however simple it may appear, has been often
known to remove the marks."
Such were some of the thoughts that followed
him to his tent, mingling with official duties and
filling the heavy hours of protracted expectation.
In every letter the same questions recur. Where
is Howe ? Where is Burgoyne ? How long are
we to remain here idly waiting the development of
events ? " You are very much mistaken about the
destination of Sir William being known before yours
reached me," he writes to General Varnum on the
14th.
" I am totally ignorant yet. This manoeuvre of Gen-
eral Howe is so strange and unaccountable that it ex-
ceeds all conjecture. General Burgoyne's rapid marches
into the country is a strong proof to me that he expects
to be supported from some other quarter. This leads me
to conclude that General Howe's designs are ultimately
against New England, notwithstanding his eccentric
movements. I am glad to hear you are so well prepared
to defend the Uiglilands. I fear the obstructions in the
river will scarcely prove sufficient to check the enemy's
progress with their ships. Your observations are very
just respecting General Scliuyler ; if he has lost the con-
fidence of the people, his talents will be useless. The
Congress were made sensible of that and have appointed
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 435
General Gates to the command. I hope he will succeed
better. I think it an object of the first importance to
give a check to Burgoyne, and the very plan you men-
tion has often been proposed both with respect to Bur-
goyne and New York.- Philadelphia is the American
Diana, she must be preserved at all events. There is
great attention paid to this city ; it is true it is one of the
finest upon the continent, but in my opinion is an object
of far less importance than the North River. Our posi-
tion in the Jerseys was calculated to cover the North
River and Pliiladelphia, and afford protection to the State
of New Jersey, but the cry was so great for the salvation
of Philadelphia that the General was prevailed upon to
leave Coryell's Ferry, contrary to his judgment, and
march down to the city, and I expect to have our labors
for our pains. We are now within about twenty miles of
the city, waiting to get better information. There have
been several expresses from Sinepuxent, an inlet about
half-way between Delaware and Chesapeake Bay, who
confidently assert the fleet has been seen off there for sev-
eral days ; but I cannot credit it. I shall mention to the
General the Rhode Island troops are without commis-
sions, and also the detachment that is detained at Rhode
Island contrary to your orders."
It will be seen by the manner in which Greene
speaks of Schuyler's removal from the command *
of the Northern army that he approved of it as a
necessary act of policy at that critical moment of
our fortunes. Schuyler's talent and patriotism he
does not call in question, but he does question the
propriety of giving him the command of men to
whom he w^as personally unacceptable. The North-
ern army was composed chiefly of New England
436 LIFE OF NATH.\NAEL GREENE. [1777.
men, and an eyewitness tells us that, believing the
New England officers to be " a disgrace to their
stations, Schuyler was at no pains to conceal the
extreme contempt he felt for them." -^ However
unfit for their stations many of these men may
have been, they were officers like him, they held
their commissions by the same title with him, it was
throuiz:h them that his orders reached the common
soldier, and it was as much if not more to them
than to him that the common soldier looked for
the indulgences that contributed to his comfort, and
the direction that made him useful. Justice as well
as policy demanded a recognition of these claims,
Schuyler did not recognize them, and New Eng-
land men could not persuade themselves that the
man who in his official intercourse with them could
not command his own "peevishness"^ was qualified
to command them. It is difficult to see how an
army of citizens, contending for their rights as
citizens, could come to any other conclusion.
It would appear, moreover, that Schuyler's
claims had been enforced by his friends with some
degree of the haughtiness which he displayed in
his intercourse with his New Eno-land officers.
o
" General Schuyler," Greene writes to John Adams on
the 5tli of April, " is going to Congress armed with the
imperial cohorts of New York, to support the assertion
1 Gravdon's Memoirs of his own asked to sit nor to take a glass of
Time, p. 143. wine, and after announcing his wants,
' " He," a New England officer was dismissed with that peevishness
who came on husiness while the Gen- of tone we apply to a low and vexa-
eral was at dinner, "was neither tious intruder." — Graydon, p. 144.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 437
that the Northern operations depend entirely upon his be-
ing continued in the command : a dispassionate inquiry,
perhaps, may convince you of his usefulness ; if not, it
will afford you an opportunity to convince the State of
New York that the salvation of America don't depend
upon the political sentiments of Albany County."
It is not impossible that, with all Greene's study
to overcome it, some tinge of sectional feeling may
have lent its coloring to his judgment upon this
occasion, just as it tinged Washington's judgment
of New England in '75. Neither is it impossible
that he may have regarded the enforcement of
Schuyler's claims as a sectional question in itself,
and consequently as tending to foster a spirit
which it was a duty to suppress. However this
may be, his personal relations with Schuyler,
though never intimate, were always pleasant. In
April he wrote : —
" General Schuyler thinks, with me, that it will be ex-
ceeding difficult, if not impossible, for the enemy to pene-
trate the country by the way of Ticonderoga."
And in August, while justifying the policy of
Schuyler's removal, he leaves his talent and patriot>
ism unquestioned. When the whole history of the
campaign became known, he probably regretted
that the New York general was not permitted to
gather the laurels which he had so diligently sown.
But now he could only judge from facts apparently
established, though not explained, and these were
of a nature to awaken serious doubts and still more
serious anxiety.
438 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
Meanwliile summer was passing, and the cam-
paign hardly begun.
" I readily acknowledge the propriety of your observa-
tion," Greene writes to General Yarnum from the Cross-
roads on the 17th, " that delays are dangerous, and that
the prime of the season is wasting while we are basking
in the sunshine of Pennsylvania, but repentance often
comes too late. Could we have divined how General
Howe would have directed his future operations, some
part of your plan might have been carried into execution.
The destruction of General Burgoyne's army is one of the
first objects upon the continent; but how to effect it is
the question. You see he moves with caution, notwith-
standing our army flies before him. It is near a month
since he landed at Skenesborough. His advance parties
have advanced only about twenty or thirty miles, and
nothing, or next to nothing, to oppose him. Sure I am he
never would have dared to penetrate an inch if he had
met with a serious opposition. It is said our troops are
panic-struck : this is strange ; they have met with no
misfortune. I am confident if there is a formidable force
collected under the command of General Gates, that
Burgojne never leaves sight of his shipping. His retreat
is secure while he has the command of South Bay ; in that
situation he will rest luiless he can bring over a great
part of the country to join him. How that might en-
courage him I cannot pretend to say. Could I persuade
myself that Burgoyne would not retreat upon the North-
ern army's being reinforced, I would run all hazards to
attempt his obstruction. But I am well persuaded he
would retreat immediately to Ticonderoga ; where it
would be out of our power to do him any great injury.
I wish the party that is coming by the German flats would
be defeated ; I am much afraid of the consequences of
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 439
their successes : the disaffected people joined by the
Indians will render that a troublesome neighborhood.
There is a corps of riflemen detached to combat these In-
dians, under the command of Colonel Morgan.
" I am under no apprehensions about the troops at
Rhode Island, unless they are joined by General Howe's
forces ; they are as innocent and harmless as can be ex-
pected. The greatest injury they do us is the distressing
trade, and alarming the fears of the people on the sur-
rounding shores.
" Our situation is not a little awkward, — buried in the
country, out of hearing of the enemy. His Excellency
is exceedingly impatient ; but it is said, if Philadelphia
is lost, all, all is ruined. It is a great object to be sure,
but not of that great magnitude that it claims in the meas-
ure of the American police. Rest assured we shall not
remain idle long. This is a curious campaign : in the
spring we had the enemy about our ears every hour ; the
Northern army could neither see nor hear of an enemy.
Now they have got the enemy about their heads and we
have lost ours, compelled to wander about the country
like the Arabs in search of them.
" I think there is force enough gone and going to
the northward, if they are well directed and led on
with spirit ; but without that they will be idle and use-
less.
" I am glad to hear your forces are healthy ; ours are
growing more so than they were. I can assure you I was
no advocate for coming so hastily here ; for I ever thought
General Howe's motions very equivocal. But the loss of
Philadelphia would injure us more than our taking New
York would them. And it is not certain our rapid march
did not hinder the enemy from coming up the Bay to the
city : they were hovering about the coast for several days
'tis very certain."
4-40 IJFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
The camp on the Neshaminy was beginning to
grow uncomfortable under the hot August sun, and
there was much reason to fear that a longer stay
might seriously affect the health of the army.^
Washington resolved to change his ground. But at
the same time he had become convinced that the
British fleet was gone to the southward, and that in
changing his ground it was full time to make some
move of sufficient importance to counteract the
effects of the loss of Charleston, — if Charleston, as
now was feared, should fall into the hands of the
enemy. He accordingly called a council on the
morning of the 21st, and upon a careful considera-
tion of the subject it was unanimously concluded, —
1st, " That the enemy had most probably sailed for
Charleston ; 2d, That it was not expedient for the
army to march southward, as it could not possibly
arrive in time to afford any succor ; 3d, That the
army should move immediately towards the North
River." ^ It was in this council that Lafayette first
took his place as Major-General, and here began that
friendship with Greene which, surviving ever fresh
in the breast of the true-hearted Frenchman, made
La Grange and Rue D'Anjou homes for me, when
in 1827, a boy of sixteen, I went to him in the name
of the friend whose ashes had been lying forty-one
years in their unhonored grave.
Hamilton was sent to carry the resolves of the
council to Congress, and bring back "the results
of their opinion." ^ By three o'clock the active
1 Spnrks's Wasliington, Vol. V. p. 41. 2 jbid.
8 Ibid., p. 40.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 441
young aide-de-camp was at the door of Congress
Hall with Washington's letter in his hand. Con-
gress read it, " adjourned for two hours," and, meet-
ing again at five,
" Resolved, That Congress approve the plan of march-
ing the army towards Hudson's River, and then that Gen-
eral Washington act as circumstances may require." ^
But on the next day, while they were busy with
new resolves, came at half past one another pant-
ing express from the southward to tell them that
"near two hundred sail of Mr. Howe's fleet [were]
at anchor in the Chesapeake Bay." ^
Here then all doubts were ended ; the British
general was resolved to have Philadelphia ; and oh !
what fear and trembling came over loyal men and
women in the devoted city, and how hard the Tories
found it to hide their joy and smile soberly as they
trod with elastic step the streets that were, as they
now felt sure, speedily to be filled with the repre-
sentatives of their king. Congress knew what slip-
pery ground it was standing on, and passed quick
resolves for moving the public stores out of harm's
way, for calling out the militia and strengthening
the hands of Washino;ton.
And Washington, when the tidings reached him,
hastened his preparations ; and putting his army in
motion early next morning, w^as within " about five
miles" of the city by nightfall. The next day was
Sunday, and the early morning was fair ; but it soon
1 Journals of Congress, Thursday, ^ Sparks's Correspondence of the
August 21, 1777. Revolution, Vol. I. p. 429.
442 LTFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
came on to rain, threatening to " spoil the stores
and wet the army." ^ But by seven the rain ceased,
and Washington, drawing out his men in long array,
as Clearchus lengthened his line of Greeks to mul-
tiply them in the eyes of the wondering Persians,^
led them through the city, down Front Street and up
Chestnut, and out by the road towards Wilmington,
in quick continuous march without halting. " What
an army ! " said both Whig and Tory, as they saw
them pass, the shorter men of each company in
the front rank, the taller behind them ; some in
hunting-shirts, some in uniform, some in common
clothes, some with their hats cocked, some without,
and of those w4io did cock them, not all wearing
them the same way, but each man with a green
sprig, emblem of hope, in his hat, and each bearing
his firelock with what, even to instructed eyes, had
the air of skilful training.^ Each brigadier-gen-
eral was at the head of his brigade, each division-
general at the head of his division, — Greene first,
with the gay Blodget and high-spirited Clark at his
side. AVashington, too, rode surrounded by his staff.
The drums beat and the fifes played in the centre
of each brigade, the inspiring trumpets sent out
their clear voices from the heads of the columns,
and mingling with the measured tread of man came
the tramp of horses and the rumbling of artillery.
Handkerchiefs waved towards them from the win-
dows, loyal voices cheered and blessed them as they
1 John Ailams to his Wife. Let- ^ Graydon's Memoirs, Liitell's Ed.,
ters, Vol. I. p. 253. p. 291, and J. Adams, utsup.
2 AnabiU^is, II. 4.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 443
went by ; some eyes, too, lowered upon them from
behind half-drawn curtains, and when the martial
array had passed slowly out of sight, some drew
lono^ breaths aorain, and felt as if such men with
such a leader must conquer, while others, shaking
their heads gravely, said, "There are but eleven
thousand of them fit for service, and the British
are fifteen."
Thus, hastening forward, Washington soon found
himself as near the enemy as he cared to bring the
main body of his forces without a more accurate
knowledge of their position. Then with Greene
and Lafayette and their aids he went forward to
reconnoitre. Gray's Hill and Iron Hill were the only
spots in the neighborhood of Elkton high enough to
command an extensive view, and from these the
American officers looked long and anxiously south-
eastward, where a few tents, with the British flag
waving haughtily over them, were the only signs
of the invader that the eye could detect. How
many were landed or how soon they would be pre-
pared to push forward it was impossible to ascertain.
Night came upon the little party as they turned
their horses' heads homewards, and with it a sud-
den tempest of wind and rain. Washington sought
with his companions the shelter of a neighboring
farm-house. It was a gloomy evening, with the
black storm without and the crowded little room
within, clothes drenched with rain, and uppermost
in every mind but Washington's the fear that some
partisan of the enemy might secretly bring him
444 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
down upon them as he had been brought down upon
Lee not a twelvemonth before. But the night passed
aw\ay without alarm, though sleepless for Greene,
and at daybreak they were all in the saddle again,
glad to feel their horses under them and see an open
road before them ; and then, as he set spurs to his
steed, ^yashington frankly avowed that he had made
a lucky escape and done an imprudent thing.^
Greene was next sent forward with Weedon, one
of his brigadiers, to select a position for a camp.
After a careful examination, he fixed upon the
Cross-roads about six miles from Elk, with an open
country behind to draw supplies and reinforce-
ments from, and good skirmishing ground in front,
from which it would be easy to harass and annoy
the enemy w^hile he was engaged in collecting the
provisions and carts and horses that he needed for
putting his army in motion. But before Greene's
report could reach head-quarters a council of war
had decided upon another position and another
policy. An encampment was chosen right in the
enemy's path, — Redclay Creek, about half-way
between Wilmino-ton and Christiana. "You can-
not hold your ground," said Greene, " if they ad-
vance " ) and when it was urged that, unless the
way was blocked up, Sir William Howe would push
straight on for Philapelphia, he replied, " Howe
will not think of such a thing until he has beaten
this army."^
■ Lafayette's Memoirs, Vol. I. p. Greene was Gordon's autliority, as I
21. learn by a letter of Gordon's to him,
2 See Gordon, Vol. IL p. 494. April 5, 1784.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 445
Meanwhile, great exertions were made to remove
the stores with which the country abounded out
of the enemy's reach, and Greene being in the ad-
vance behind Whiteclay Creek, most of this duty
fell upon him.
" Enclosed," he writes to Washington on the 2d of
September, " is a letter from Mr. Levi Hollingsworth, rel-
ative to the situation of the stores in that quarter. Gen-
eral Muhlenberg has marched with his detachment to
cover the removal of the stores. If your Excellency thinks
an additional force is necessary it shall be sent immedi-
ately. I wait further orders."
At this moment a new figure appears on the
crowding scene, one that we shall often meet in
the sequel, and even day by day, during the most
active portion of the Southern campaigns.
" Mr. John Rudolph," says Hollingsworth's letter,
" who was reconnoitring with Captain Lee yesterday,
near the head of Elk, says they saw signs of a detach-
ment of troops from the enemy having gone towards Not-
tingham. Captain Lee supposed them, by their track, to
be about five hundred horse and foot."
It was a fit rising of the curtain upon the
checkered career of the gallant young Virginian
whom companionship in toil and danger was to
unite in such close bonds of friendship with Greene,
and wdio after many vicissitudes, and much honor
and praise, was, forty-one years later, to end his
days in obloquy and suffering under the roof of
Greene's youngest daughter.^
1 At Dungeness, Cumberland Isl- room, with its unfinished walls of
and, Ga. I remember well the large tabby-work in which he died, and the
44 G LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
" Notliing new in camp since I wrote you last," Greene
writes to liis wife on the 7th of September, from "the
camp near Wihnington, only that the army are advanced
in line with me. 'Tis said this morning the enemy are
coming out. A note, this moment received from Captain
Lee, of the light-horse, favors the opinion. I am just
going out upon a reconnoitring party. You must ex-
cuse a siiort letter."
The position of the Americans, although carefully
strengthened, was found, as Greene had foreseen,
to be untenable, and upon the enemy's advance
they fell back to Chad's Ford on the Brandywine.
" The enemy marched out day before yesterday,"
Greene writes to his wife on the 10th ; " they took post in
a position to turn our right flank, the Christiana creek
being on our left, the General thought our situation too
dangerous to risk a battle, as the enemy refused to
fight us in front. The General ordered the army to file
off to tlie right, and take post at this place. A general
action must take place in a few days. The army are in
high spirits, and wish for action Here are some
of the most distressing scenes imaginable, — the inhab-
itants generally desert their houses, furniture moving,
cattle driving, and women and children travelling off
on foot, — the country all resounds witli the cries of the
people, — the enemy plunders most amazingly. The
militia of tlie country are not like the Jersey militia;
fighting is a new thing with these, and many seem to
have but a poor stomach for the business.
" I am exceedingly fatigued. I was on horseback for
little graveyard in a corner of an old my cousin, P. M. Nijjhtingale, son of
cotton-field in which he was buried, General Greene's eldest daughter,
within a few feet of my grandmother's Martha Washington,
grave. The estate now belongs to
I,.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE, 447
upwards of thirty hours ; and never closed my eyes for
near forty. Last night I was in hopes of a good night's
rest ; but a dusty bed gave me asthma, and I had very
little sleep the whole night ; but little as it was, I feel
finely refreshed this morning."
This is not the first mention of asthma, as the
reader will remember ; and henceforth in reading
of Greene's laborious days, it should be borne in
mind, that his nights were often passed in strug-
gling with this painful disease.
The battle which all were anxiously awaiting
was at hand. Early on the morning of the 11th,
the enemy were seen approaching in force by the
road to Chad's Ford, where, expecting the principal
effort to be made, Washington had drawn up his
main body, Wayne with Proctor's artillery in
front, behind an intrenchment on the bank of the
river, and Greene with his two brigades on the
heights in their rear. The morning wore away
in skirmishes and cannonading, Washington and
Greene passing most of it together at head-
quarters, three quarters of a mile from the ford,
waiting the moment of decided action. Towards
eleven came a messenger from Sullivan, who was
two miles higher up the stream in command of the
right, saying that a large body of the enemy was
marching for the upper fords by the great valley
road. The force in front could not be the main
body then ; and Howe was repeating the ma-
noeuvre which had given him the victory of Long
Island. Washington instantly decided to cross
448 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
and attack the enemy on the opposite side of the
ford. Orders were sent to Sullivan to cross at the
same time, and fall upon the left wing, Greene
immediately put his brigades in motion, and was
already over the ford with the advance wdien
another messenger came ; there was no large
body on the great valley road, the whole British
armv was in front; Greene and Sullivan were rush-
ing upon certain destruction. Greene was recalled,
and Sullivan directed to wait further information
and orders.
Two more anxious hours passed. Another mes-
senger came, no longer with hearsays and con-
jectures, but an eyewitness, barely escaped with
panting hor«e from the hands of the enemy.
Howe's manoeuvre had again succeeded, and Corn-
wallis was already on the left bank, pressing down
towards the rear of the Americans. Sullivan was
hurried off to meet him. Wayne was ordered to
w^atch the ford, where the body that all the morn-
ing had been feigning an intention to pass would
now, doubtless, try to pass in earnest. Greene
was directed to hold himself in readiness to suc-
cor either Wayne or Sullivan, as circumstances
might require. Washington remained with Greene,
waiting for the first sounds of the conflict.
Another long watching and waiting. At last,
between four and five, came a sudden burst of
cannon and musketry from northwestward, borne
over the fields and woods in the still autumn air.
It was heard far off in distant Philadelphia, too,
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 449
muttering ominously at the windows of Congress
Hall, and, booming heavily through the streets,
brought men quickly together in anxious groups,-^
— the Tories by themselves, the Whigs, too, by
themselves, looking at each other askance in silent
expectation. They are at it, thought Washington
and Greene, as the sounds came faster and faster,
and in heavier surges, swelling at last into a con-
tinuous roar. Washington, pausing but a mo-
ment to give his orders to Greene, pushed forward
by the nearest way, eager for the battle, his horse's
head close upon the flank of his guide's horse,
leaping the fences in his path, and calling out im-
patiently, " Push on, old man ! push on ! "
Greene, too, pressed forward with Weedon's
brigade by the nearest road, hoping to come up
in time for a share in the fray ; his well-trained
men chafino; from the inaction of the mornino;,
warmed by the roar from the battle-field, which
grew louder and distincter at every step, and try-
ing, as experience served them, to conjecture the
fortunes of their countrymen from the eddying
tide of sound. They had nearly four miles to go,
but in forty-five minutes^ the four miles were
passed ; and as they came up, Pinckney, one of
Washington's aids, met them with instructions to
halt Spottswood's and Stephens's regiments in a
ploughed field on Sullivan's right, and form them
there. For Sullivan, after a gallant resistance, had
1 Lafayette's Memoirs, Vol. I. p. 25.
^ Greene to H. Marchant.
29
450 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREE.\E. [1777.
been defeated, and his broken ranks were scat-
tered in the woods, and crowding through the
road in the rear. It was too late to think of
saving the day, but the army might yet be saved ;
and to Greene the difficult and dangerous task
was assigned.
His two brigades — for Muhlenberg's joined him
by another road — were all Virginians but the
Pennsylvania regiment of Walter Stewart ; and all
of them carefully trained under the eyes of their
leaders, the resolute Weedon and the impetuous
Muhlenberg. Weedon, though but an innkeeper
at Fredericksburg before the war, had so zealously
" fanned the flame of sedition " till it broke out,
and had taken so active a part in it when it did,
that he was made a brigadier in the promotions of
1777, and, fortunately for both, was assigned to
Greene's division, in the general distribution of the
army. " My dear old friend," Greene's letters to
him begin, and the friendship lasted through life.
Muhlenberg, though a German Pennsylvanian by
birth, had studied at Gdttingen, had been ordained
in London, and was pastor of a parish in Virginia
at the opening of the war. How he passed from
the pulpit to the head of a regiment I have
already told ; how gallantly he bore him in battle
I shall now tell.
Without wasting time in vain efforts to check
the tide of flight, Greene ordered his men to open
their ranks as the fugitives came up, and close
them again promptly when they were passed.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 451
The artillery, too, was directed to keep up a con-
stant fire, and hold back the enemy ; and, thus
marching and fighting, half a mile was slowly
passed, when, coming to a narrow defile flanked by
woods on both sides, and commanding the road by
which the army was to retreat, he ordered Weedon
to hold it with his own brigade, while he crossed
over and held the road with Muhlenberg. Day
was nearly spent when these arrangements were
completed. The fog of the morning had melted
away before the midday sun, but the evening
vapors were now gathering, and the tree-tops all
aglow with the rich hues of sunset. Still, thought
Cornwallis, Greene's fated antagonist, as he urged
forward his exulting battalions, there are three
quarters of an hour of sunlight yet, full as much
as we shall want to complete the rout of these
rebels, and put, perhaps, an end to the war. And
forward swept the bristling ranks, their guns and
bayonets shining like silver, says one who saw
them; on they swept, grenadiers, light infantry,
Anspachers and Hessians, till the deadly fire from
the American guns met them from the road in
their front and the defile on their left flank, mak-
ing their deep lines quiver and bend, as a corn-
field quivers and bends to the whirlwind. But
Cornwallis's stern eye was upon them, as, ar-
rayed in the bright scarlet of his grade, with
glittering epaulets and rich gold lace, firm and
erect, he sat on his noble horse watching the ed-
dying tide of battle ; and, fearing the reproof of
452 LIFE OF NATHA^'AEL GREENE. [1777.
that eye, they promptly reformed their ranks and
rushed on ai!;am to the assault. And ao-ain the
deadly tempest met them, and again they wavered
and fell back. '' To the bayonet ! to the bayonet ! "
now resounded along the line, and the tall grena-
diers smiled grimly under their black caps ; and
the high-trained hght infantry and mustachioed
Hessians filling up the gaps in their platoons, and
throwing forward their keen bayonets, rushed with
a ming-led shout of hatred and indis-nation to the
charge. But if any among them had leisure to
look across the lessening interval between the two
hostile fronts, thick strewn already with wounded
and dying and dead, he would have seen the
American line compact and firm ; he would have
seen at its head, on a large white horse, the stately
form of Muhlenberg ; he would have seen a keener
and more prophetic eye than Cornwallis's, sweep-
ing over the field, and taking in the whole position
at a glance. The Anspachers started with amaze-
ment as they looked, for in Muhlenberg they rec-
ognized one who had suddenly come among them
ten years before at Gottingen ; and in a wild, boy-
ish freak, had served awhile in their ranks, leav-
ing behind him deep impressions of an intlexible
will and impetuous temper. " Hier kommt Teufel
Piet!" ("Here comes Devil Pete !") cried the old
soldiers as they gazed, and knowing that where
he led there would be need of all their strength,
braced themselves firmly for the shock. And now
bayonet met bayonet, thrust for thrust, man con-
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 45
o
tended with man, strong arm against strong arm,
and skill was matched with skill. Charge followed
charge in quick succession ; the sun sank behind
the trees, and still the battle raged. At last, borne
down by numbers, Weedon was forced from his
ground ; but still maintaining a firm front, and
with face towards the enemy, brought off his men
in good order, to the road in Muhlenberg's rear.
And then, too, Greene having accomplished his
purpose, and given the broken divisions time to
make sure their retreat, slowly drew off his own
division, and, as twilight deepened into darkness,
the weary combatants stayed their hands from the
work of death. And as they slowly made their
way along the road to Chester, an old man who
had fought among the young men said sadly to
his nearest companion, " Three hundred immortal
souls are this day to us as though they had never
been." " Yes, and we may join them to-morrow,"
answered the other ; " but if I live, may I be hanged
if I don't avenge their deaths, as far as one arm
can do it." ^
1 The history of this battle is not easy Muhlenberg's brigade, knowing that
to uni-avel, as the authorities stand, he was assisted in the study of the
I give them all together, — Gordon, battle by Colonel Pinckney, of Wash-
Marshall, Johnson's Greene, Muhlen- ingtou's staff. The story of Wash-
berg's Muhlenberg, Proceedings of ington's having pointed out to Greene
the Historical Society of Pennsyl- the position in the defile has, as far
vania, September and December, as I can ascertain, no other founda-
1846, Washington's Works, Vol. V., tion than the order suggested by Sul-
Greene MSS., Howe's Official Re- livan, and conveyed by Pinckney,
port in Almon's Remembrancer, Vol. to halt in the "ploughed field." The
V. p. 409, Lafayette's Memoirs, Vol. " ploughed field " was the ground
V. p. 1. I have chiefly followed, from which Greene's retreat began,
though with some hesitation, John- and the pass, according to Gordon,
son's account of the part taken by was half a mile in its rear.
CHAPTER XX.
American Army not discouraged by their Defeat. — March to Ger-
mantown. — Sullivan unjustly blamed. — - Weedon dissatisfied. —
Greene and Washington. — Preparations for advancing towards the
Enemy. — Advance to Warren's Tavern. — Battle prevented by a
Storm. — Greene's Choice of a Position. — Marches and Counter-
marches. — Howe deceives the Americans, and crosses the Schuylkill.
A ND thus tli.e Americans lost another battle,
-^^ but they lost neither heart nor hope. By
twelve o'clock the troops were "arraying behind
Chester" for the night. Greene had brought ojBf
his gallant brigades in good order, and Washington,
exhausted with the labor and excitement of the
day and evening, was upon the point of going to
bed, when he remembered that there was still a
duty to perform. " Congress must be written to,
gentlemen," he said to his staff, pausing at the
door, " and one of you must do it, for I am too
sleepy." Harrison, on whom the duty devolved,
was too " distressed " to write it, and " put it upon "
Pickering, the Adjutant-General. "I wrote and
gave it to the General to read," writes Pickering.
" He, with perfect composure, directed me to add
a consolatory hope that another day would give a
more fortunate result." "And that," said Picker-
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. . 455
ing to Mr. Sparks when he related the incident,
" was the most important point of all." ^
By four in the morning the letter was in the
hands of John Hancock, who caught eagerly at the
well-timed hope. " I am sorry," he writes, " for the
unfortunate issue of the day, but from the troops
keeping up their spirits, I flatter myself it will still
be in our power to retrieve the loss of yesterday " ;
adding, " I have thought proper, in consequence of
the intelligence received this morning, to call the
Cono-ress tocrether at six o'clock." ^
At six o'clock Congress met, heard Washington's
letter, and ordered it to be published ; then at ten,
and passed rapid resolutions for calling out the mi-
litia, and hastening forward the Continentals "to
reinforce the army under General Washington " ;
and then again at five in the afternoon, and or-
dered " a proper boat or vessel to be provided "
without delay, to convey the wounded Lafayette to
New Jersey, and " that the Commissary-General of
purchases be directed to purchase, on the most rea-
sonable terms he can, thirty hogsheads of rum, and
that the same be presented to the array, and dis-
tributed amono; the soldiers in such manner as the
General shall direct, in compliment to the soldiers
for their gallant behavior in the late battle of
Brandywine." ^
1 I am indebted to Mr. Sparks for The letter to Congress is given in
this anecdote, which is also given in a Sparks's Washington, Vol. V. p. .57.
letter from Pickering to Judge Peters, 2 Sparks's Correspondence of the
for the loan of which, and other im- Revolution, Vol. I. p. 434.
portant ones, I am indebted to the 3 Journals of Congress, September
courtesy of Mr. Charles Eliot Norton. 12, 1777.
456 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
Meanwhile, the defeated army was rapidly re-
turning through Derby to the banks of the Schuyl-
kill, Greene covering the rear with the gallant
brigades, by whose aid he had covered it so effect-
ually the day before. By the 13th, it was again
in its late camping-ground of Germantown, soon
to be its next battle-ground. There, and at Phila-
delphia, and throughout the country, there was
much discussion about the causes of the defeat,
Congress unjustly laying it at Sullivan's door, and
even carrying its injustice so far as to order his im-
mediate recall from the army, and an official inves-
tigation of his conduct. But Washington, who
judged more wisely, remonstrated with them
against a measure which was to deprive him of
the services of a valuable officer, when he was rath-
er in need of having new generals sent him, than
prepared to have an old and approved one taken
away.^ Congress yielded, — it was no time to dis-
pute Washington's opinions, — and when, at the
first practicable moment, the official investigation
was made, Sullivan was justly exonerated from all
blame." Time has confirmed the decision. The
conllicting intcllio-cnce of the 11th, like the want
of intelligence at Long Island the year before, was
the fault, not of the generals, but of the means at
their command. Steuben was but just on his way
1 Sparks's Wiisliington, Vol. V. p. orv's able and satisfactory paper in
61. the Historical Magazine for Uccem-
2 Ut sup. ^2. For a full vindica- ber, 1866, and also in the Proceedings
tion of General Sullivan on tiiis and of the Rlassachusetts Historical So-
other occasions, see Mr. T. C. Am- cicty for 1866-67, p. 380.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 457
from Paris to Marseilles, where the Flamand was
waiting to take him to America, and till Steuben
came, many of the springs and wheels without
which an army cannot act either promptly or
harmoniously were wanting.
But if there was much of questioning as to who
had lost the day, there could be none as to wdio
had saved the army. In that " hour and a quar-
ter " " of hot action," Greene had " confessedly
saved the park of artillery, and indeed the army,
from the fatal effects of a disagreeable rout " ; ^ and
now his officers looked for a public acknowdedg-
meut of the important service in general orders.
But no such acknowledgment came, and AYeedon
remonstrated with Greene, and Greene, according
to one version of the story, with Washington, who
replied, " You, sir, are considered my favorite offi-
cer : Weedon's brigade, like myself, are Virginians ;
should I applaud them for their achievement under
your command, I shall be charged with partiality ;
jealousy will be excited, and the service injured."
Greene saw that Washington was right, and de-
sisted. According to the other version, he refused,
from the first, to carry the complaint to Washing-
ton, saying, " Our General has enough to distress
him ; let us not add to his perplexities. The wdiole
army admits the services you rendered ; let us rest
satisfied with the consciousness of it." And that
this is the true version cannot be questioned, with-
out calling in question the truth of what Greene
1 Greene to Colonel Lee, February 18, 1782.
458 LIFE' OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. [1777.
wrote to Colonel Lee in the letter from which I
just now quoted ; for in that letter, w^ritten to
meet some of Lee's complaints of unrecognized ser-
vices, after showing them to be altogether unfound-
ed, he adds: —
" How different was my situation in the Northern
army ! I fought hard at Harlem. I was in the action
at Trenton and Princeton. I covered the retreat at
Brandywine, and was upwards of an hour and a quarter
in a hot action, and confessedly saved the park of artil-
lery, and indeed the army, from the fatal effects of a
disagreeable rout ; and yet, in all those actions, I never
had the honor to have my name mentioned to the public,
either as being with the army, or having done the least
thing, notwithstanding I was a general ofhcer. At Ger-
mantown, I was evidently disgraced, though I think, if
ever I merited anything, it was for my exertions on that
day. I have been concerned in many other lesser ser-
vices, which have all been passed over in silence. But I
never murmured or complained, notwithstanding I was
held in indignation for faults and misfortunes I had no
direction of." ^
It was by no means Washington's intention to
let Sir William Howe get possession of Philadel-
phia even now without fighting for it, or hold it
tranquilly if he should succeed in getting it. It
w'as a busy time in the American camp, where the
men were furbishing up their arms and preparing
'■ 1 For first version see Caklwcll's tcr to Lee was first published by H.
Life of Greene, p. 58, who evidently Lee (son of the Colonel), in his very
took up a camp rumor for an authen- clever, but very angry, and therefore
tic anecdote. For second, Johnson's not always trustworthy, " Campaign
Greene, Vol. I. p. 77. Greene's let- of 1781." Appendix, XVIII.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 459
for another battle ; a busy time in Philadelphia,
where good Whigs were packing up for a sudden
removal, and commissary officers hurr^dng off the
public stores to places of safety, and Congress
pressing its business, and, as an urgent part of it,
sending off the principal Quakers, — " six wagons
of them with a guard," — to Virginia, in the
hope of checking the readiness which the broth-
erhood had so . freely manifested to keep up a
treasonable correspondence with the enemy ; a
busy time on the high ways, " no end to chaises,
coaches, and wagons with fugitives " ; a busy time
in the villages, where " one message followed an-
other that the loss of the American army was very
serious," and " the British army already near the
city," every village fancying that it " would be the
scene of their march, or even the battle-field," and
the pious Christian, who saw God's finger in all
this trouble, crying, solemnly, " Now, Pennsylvania,
prepare to meet the Lord your God ! " but busiest
time of all, at head-quarters in Germantown, to-
wards which all eyes were turned with anxious
expectation. Cold weather was at hand, and the
troops needed blankets and shoes.^ There was a
widespread disaffection throughout the country,
making it difficult to obtain provisions or informa-
tion, and without them, the army could not be
1 The proof of these statements See also extracts from a very curious
is so abundant in Washington's Journal of H. N. Muhlenberg, in the
Letters, that you have only to turn Life of General Muhlenberg, p. 341 et
over the pages of the fifth volume to seq.
find them repeated in various forms.
4 GO LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
moved. Tlio British fleet would soon be trying to
force its way up the Delaware, and the defences,
long before begun, must be completed and strength-
ened. The British army would soon be tr3dng to
reach the Schuylkill, and there were several fords
to fortify and guard.
Washington's pen ran rapidly over quires of pa-
per; Greene's pen was tasked for orders and in-
structions. There was work, also, for both of them,
out of doors as well as within, and work for the
men too, who were set at once to clean their guns,
and put up their fresh distribution of cartridges, —
forty apiece. On the 14th, they turned their
fiices southward again towards the enemy, march-
ing first a few miles up the left bank of the Schuyl-
kill to Leverino-'s Ford. " 0 for a little more dis-
cipline, both in officers and men," thought Picker-
ing, as he saw them, instead of marching directly
into the water without breaking their ranks, halt
and loiter on the bank, some stripping off shoes
and stockings, some their breeches too, and officers
even quitting their platoons to secure a canoe or
borrow a horse. " It was a pleasant day," wrote
the rigorous adjutant in his daily record, " and had
the men marched directly over by platoons, with-
out stripping, no harm could have ensued, their
clothes would have been dried by night on their
march, and the bottom would not have hurt their
feet." Once over the Schuylkill, Washington
pressed forward by the Lancaster road to get be-
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 461
tweeii the enemy and Swede's Ford. On the 15th,
he reached the Warren Tavern.^
On the next morning, about 9 o'clock, the scouts
brouo-ht word that the enemy was advancino- to
offer battle. Detachments were instantly sent for-
ward to support the advance guard, and help them
hold the British in check while the line was form-
ing, for, although it was not the ground Washing-
ton had intended to fight upon, he was both w^ill-
ing and ready to figlit.^ The right was quickly
arrayed for action, Washington sending forward
Pickering, Adjutant-General, to assist in forming
the troops. But behind the centre and left was a
valley of soft, wet ground, impassable for artillery,
except in that part of it which lay in the rear of
Greene's division, " where there was a firm road."
Greene was the first to observe it, and, riding up to
Washington, asked him if he meant to have the
troops fight in that position. When Pickering re-
turned from the right, the centre was still unformed,
and a number of officers were gathered round
Washington • in consultation. " Pressing his horse
forward to learn the object," he found that they
were still debating whether to " receive the British
where they were, or cross the valley and make
their stand on the high ground on the other side
of it." Meanwhile the sounds of musketry began
to come faster and faster from the front, where
Wayne, wdth the advanced guard, was already en-
1 Marshall, Vol. I. p. 160. Sparks's Washington, Vol. V. p. 62. Ticker-
ing's Diary, MSS.
2 Marshall, ut sup.
462 LIFE OF NATHAN.VEL GREENK [1777.
gaged with (he enemy, and, as the approaching din
plainly showed, falling back upon the main body
for support. The consultation still continued.
"Sir," said Pickering, addressing himself directly
to Washington, " the advancing of the British is
manifest by the reports of the musketry. The or-
der of battle is not completed. If we are to fight
the enemy on this ground, the troops ought to be
immediately arranged. If we are to take the high
ground on the other side of the valley, we ought
to march immediately, or the enemy may fall upon
us in the midst of our movement. Pray, Sir, de-
cide." " Let us move," said Washington ; and
Greene was ordered to draw up the troops in the
new position.
By this time the sky was overcast, and the pat-
tering of rain began to mingle with the sounds of
the approaching conflict, gradually deepening from
shower to shower into a continuous flood. The
British came to a halt; neither side was able to
use its cannon, much less its muskets. At night-
fall the Americans filed off on the road to Yel-
low Springs, moving slowly and painfully over
the miry ground, and under the drenching rain
as it dashed slant upon them, borne furiously
hither and thither by a sharp, bleak wind. When
they reached their halting-place, they had to rest
themselves as best they could on the streaming
earth, their tents being with the baggage-train in
the rear.
1
1 Most of the details of this para- ering manuscripts in the possession
graph I have drawn from the Pick- of Mr. Octavius Pickering, of Cam-
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 463
But they were not to rest long, for on examining
their arms it was fomicl that their ill-protected
guns were unfit for use, and their worse-protected
ammunition, which had been distributed at forty
rounds a man, was water-soaked in their worthless
cartouch-boxes. Sorely disappointed, and with a
heavy heart, Washington again put his weary bat-
talions in motion towards Warwick Furnace, where
the strong ground would, he hoped, protect him
^ while his men were cleaning and repairing their
arms, and a fresh supply of ammunition was brought
up from the magazines.^ Greene was sent forward
with Tilghman, one of Washington's aids, to choose
a position, and chose one on the range of moun-
tains that, extending from Valley Forge to the Yel-
low Springs, — " difficult of access," easy of descent,
well suited for skirmishes and partial actions, but
impossible to force a general engagement upon, —
offered most of the same advantages of ground
which had enabled the American general to baffle
all the manoeuvres of his adversary m June and
July. And thus, with Wayne close in the enemy's
rear, and the main army within striking distance of
his flank, Greene thought that a crippling blow
might be dealt if Howe should attempt to cross
bridge, who kindly permitted me 515) to be the wet valley mentioned
to have copies made of everything by Pickering, which with such a rain
in them which bore upon my sub- would soon become a pond, and as a
ject. The cold wind is spoken of pond be remembered by many of the
in Muhlenberg's Journal. I sup- actors.
pose the "large piece of water" i Sparks 's Washington, Vol. V. p.
mentioned by Gordon (Vol. II. p. 66.
464 LIFE OF NATILVNAEL GREENE. [1777.
the Scluijlkill, and a safe retreat secured in case of
disaster.^
But while Greene was makinp^ his study of the
ground, a council of war was deciding to act by the
front, and unfortunately, if we are to judge by the
result on both occasions. Washino;ton ao-ain ac-
cepted their decision. That, as a military man, he
approved of Greene's plan it would be wronging
him to doubt ; but Greene's enemies, who were also
his enemies, were at this time accusing Greene of a ^
willingness to sacrifice Philadelphia from a dread
of southern influence,^ and Washington seems to
have felt that, whatever his military judgment
might dictate, he must again give way to public
opinion. In this sentiment Greene did not concur,
neither did he aj)prove of submitting every ques-
tion to the decision of a council of war, — a system
which betrayed, as he thought, something like a
want of personal decision. We shall come upon an
open expression of this thought in a few moments,
and by and by, when we tell the story of his great
campaign of '81, we shall see how strictly he lived
up to the idea of independent action which he
seems to have already formed.
In accordance, then, with the opinion of the
council, Wayne was left in the rear, where he soon
after met with that bloody disaster, the remem-
brance of which has come down to us as the massa-
1 Gordon, from Greene's Memo- the time, as appears fiom Grajdon,
randa, Vol. II. p. 516. Greene's first p. 292.
plan of acting on the flank before the ^ Qrajdon, p. 292.
battle of Brand) wine was known at
!^
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 465
ere of Paoli. Howe for once was fully awake,
resolved to have Philadelphia by force or by skill,
cost what it mio-ht of toil or blood. And thus
Washington, too, was kept in constant motion. On
the 18th, the Americans were at Warwick ; on the
19th, at Fatland Ford, on the left bank of the
Schuylkill, which even at Parker's Ford, several
miles higher up, where they crossed, was breast
high.^ " His Excellency General Washington was
with the troops who passed us here to the Perkio-
men," says Muhlenberg's diary for Friday, Septem-
ber 19th. " The procession lasted the whole night,
and we had all kinds of visits from officers wet to
the breast, who had to march in that condition the
cold, damp night through, and to bear hunger and
thirst at the same time. This," he adds, "robs
them of courage and health, and instead of pray-
ers Ave hear from most, the national evil, curses."
But the good man offered up sincere and earnest
prayers for them.
The two armies were now near each other, front
to front almost, with the swollen Schuylkill flowing
rapidly between. The British tents could be seen
from Providence " with a telescope," and the good
old Whig who tells us so seems to have shuddered
as he looked out upon them from his once peace-
ful home. His " weaker vessels baked bread twice "
during the day, " and distributed all the food they
had to the sick and ailing. In the evening a nurse,
1 Sparks's Washington, Vol. V. p. 65. Muhlenberg's Journal, Life of
Muhlenberg, p. 342.
30
466
LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE.
[1777.
With three English children of a fugitive family of
consequence, from Philadelphia, arrived, and could
get no farther, as it was night. They hegged for
lodging, which we granted, as good or bad as we
had it, ' Give shelter willingly' (Romans xii. 13),^
particularly to children who are yet saints. There
were also two negroes, servants of the English
family,^ who wished to one another in secret that
the British might be victorious, as then all negro
slaves w^ould be free ; and this opinion is said to be
general among all negroes in America.'* ^
Instructive glimpses these into the interior of a
cottage between two hostile armies, whom it is
sometimes better to see march by from the cotr
tasrer's door, with tremblino; women and children
around you, than from the strategian's closet with
nothing but maps and muster-rolls to remind you
that you are all children of the same Father.
On the 17th, the venerable pastor had written: —
" Here am I old, worn out, witli a sick wife sulvjcct to
hysterical paroxysms, have with me two daugliters, two
sons' wives with two infant children, and my son's parents-
in-law, and expect every day and hour that a British di-
vision will cross the Schuylkill and treat us without
distinction, as the providence of God has ordered and will
allow. We cannot well fly, for there is no place safe.
Where the two armies do not reach there are thieves, rob-
bers, and min-derers, who take advantage of the present
time and condition."
1 The quotation is from Luther's "^ Muhlcnberj^, the reader will re-
version, " Jlerberget gerne." The member, was a Gennan American,
Enf^li.'-h version reads, " Given to and therefore calls these English,
hospitality." 3 Muhlenberg's Diary, ut sup.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 467
The American army seemed to bring hope with
them ; but on the 21st, Sunday, in the afternoon,
the British Avere said to be in motion again, likely,
Muhlenberg was told, " to come out upon the great
road at our house and attack the American army.
We w^ere advised to fly, as a battle might take
place and our house be plundered or burned."
Some of the family resolved to go to New Han-
over, and wanted him to go with them. He tried
to persuade his wife to go and " leave [him] be-
hind alone. She was not to be persuaded, but
would rather live, suffer, and die with me in Provi-
dence."
Meanwhile, Howe was manoeuvring to get pos-
session of the lower fords, and through them of the
road to Philadelphia, by alarming Washington for
the safety of his stores at Reading. It was for this
that his army was in motion, pushing apparently
up the great valley road towards the upper fords.
Washington resolved to throw himself in his front.
" At twelve o'clock at night the advance of the
American army, with many field-pieces, came past,
and some of them knocked at our door, as if to
break it in. Our people rose, asked them what
they wanted, and were answered, ' Fire.' A Ger-
man captain, however, drove them off."
The British general, meantime, by a rapid coun-
termarch, had seized Fatland's and Gordon's Fords,
and begun to cross over to the left bank. The road
to Philadelphia was now open. When the unwel-
come news reached head-quarters, "every one," says
Gordon, " was astonished."
408 LU'E OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
" On one of these dreary nights," writes Picker-
ing, "as the army marched upwards on the eastern
side of the Schuylkill, in its rear I fell in with Gen-
eral Greene. AVe descended the bank of Perkio-
men Creek together, and while our horses were
drinking, I said to him : ' General Greene, before I
came to the army, I entertained an exalted opin-
ion of General Washington's military talents, but
I have since seen nothing to enhance it.' I did
not venture to say it was sensibly lowered, though
that was the fact; and so Greene understood me,
for he instantly answered in these words precisely:
' Why, the General does want decision ; for my
part, I decide in a moment.' "
That Greene did decide, after a careful examina-
tion of facts, with marvellous promptitude, is as-
serted by all who knew him, and proved by all his
independent acts. Still, I could wish that he had
never permitted himself to call Washington's de-
cision in question ; for the hereditary reverence I
have been trained up in for that wonderful man,
and which Greene's precept and example have
made traditional in his family, renders it difficult
for me to enter into the feelings of those who, act-
ing with him, and loving and revering him, and
putting full fiith in his civic talents, still permitted
themselves — as Hamilton and Pickering and Steu-
ben are known to have done — to doubt his mili-
tary talents. That Greene's was but a passing
doubt, extending to a single quality, and arising
' Gordon, Vol. II. p. 518.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 469
from the cause already mentioned, will plainly ap-
pear from the sequel.^
Nothing but a battle could now save the city.
Congress had already withdrawn with the intention
of reassembling at Lancaster, although they after-
wards decided to remove to Yorktown ; ^ and
wisely, before they separated, they strengthened
Washington's hands by an important resolve.^ Still,
a battle was looked for, especially by Pennsylva-
nians, upon whom the brunt of these destructive
marches and countermarches fell. But Washing-
ton now felt that he must wait a few days longer,
no matter what the public thought or said, for rein-
forcements were on their march, and his troops
needed rest, and more especially shoes and blan-
kets. When next he fought he was determined to
come strong-handed to the conflict. Meanwhile,
he drew back a few miles farther up the country,
and pitched his camp at Pennibecker's mill on Per-
kiomen Creek.
1 Pickering Papers and Pickering ington's " reluctance to change opin-
io Peters, MSS. I have been coun- ion" led him to expose himself and
selled not to repeat this anecdote; his suite to a serious danger. Did
but, as I interpret the historian's duty, Lafayette look up to him with any
the suppression of a characteristic the less reverence 1
fact is a practical falsehood. Greene ^ gparks's Correspondence of the
saw faults in Washington, but saw Revolution, Vol. I. p. 436.
too that they were outbalanced by his ^ Journals, October 17, 1777.
virtues. Lafavette tells us that Wash-
CHAPTER XXI.
Howe in Philadelphia. — Straitened for Provisions. — Washino^on's
Preparations for the Defence of the Delaware. — Council of War
oppose a Battle. — Further Intelligence. — Battle decided upon. —
Advance of the Army and Battle of Germantown.
TTOWE entered Philadelphia on the 26th of Sep-
-^ ^ tember amid the exultations of the Tories, and
the deep dejection of the few Whigs whom chance
or necessity had detained there. This, however,
^ 7 7
was only a first step, and it had cost him a battle
and thirt}^ days' marching, though the distance from
his landing-place at Elkton was only sixty miles.
Two miles a dav. with fio-litino^ on the road, and
starvation at the end of it, did not look like putting
down the rebellion this campaign. But the British
and their partisans talked boldly of the victories
they had already won, and promised themselves
still greater. There was, however, a second step
to take, without which it were better the first had
never been taken. Without the command of the
river there could be no direct communication with
the fleet, and consequently no sure base of sup-
plies. Provisions had long been dear in Philadel-
phia, especially West India and European arti-
cles ; but immediately after the British entered it,
articles of daily use rose to prices that few could
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 471
continue to pay long without exhausting their
resources.^ To shut out the British fleet from go-
ing freely up and down the river, and thus starve
Howe into evacuation, was one of Washington's
first aims, and the principal means of accomplishing
it were chevcaix-de-f rises in the channel, supported
by galleys, frigates, and two forts, — Fort Mifflin
on Fort Island, and Fort Mercer at Eed Bank on
the Jersey shore. How long, how skilfully, and
how gallantly the passage of the river was de-
fended we shall see a little further on ; for some fa-
miliar names are awaiting us there, and some of
the glory of those brave days is ours.
But the preparations of annoyance did not end
here. Reinforcements were coming in from the
North and from Virginia, and with their aid a direct
blow might be struck at the royal army itself be-
fore it could settle contentedly down in its winter
quarters. Accordingly, on the 28th, two days after
the occupation of the city by the British, a council
of war was assembled to decide whether it w ould
be better to wait for these reinforcements, or to
venture an immediate attack with the eight thou-
sand continentals and three thousand militia, al-
ready in camp, upon the eight thousand British and
German regulars who held Philadelphia. Greene,
with all of the major-generals and five of the briga-
diers, was for deferring the attack, but taking, at
the same time, some strong position nearer the
1 J. Adams's letters to his wife for the first, and Reed's Life of President
Reed for the second.
472 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
city, from uhcnce they might advance or retreat,
as circumstances required. Wayne, with five other
brigadiers, was for attacking at once. Washing-
ton accepted the decision of the majority, and on
the 30th the army moved forward by the Skippack
road to within sixteen miles of Germantown, where
a part of the enemy's forces lay. The Americans
kept vigilant guard in their new camp, and con-
stantly sent out light parties for intelligence. One
of the early fruits of this watchfulness was two in-
terrupted letters, from which it was ascertained that
Sir William Howe " had detached a part of his force
against Billingsport and the forts on the Delaware." ^
A second council was promptly called. All agreed in
voting an immediate attack, and the battle of Ger-
mantown, in a political sense, at least, one of the
most important battles of the Revolution, was the
immediate consequence of that vote.
The British position seemed to invite attack.
Part of their forces, as we have seen, had been de-
tached to act against the defences of the Delaware,
part had been stationed in Philadelphia, and a still
larger part lay at Germantown, now almost a suburb
of the metropolis, but then a village of a single
street, two miles in length, and four miles nearer
than the city to the American camp.*^ Here the
main body of the British were encamped, their
centre near the centre of the villao-e, and at risj-ht
angles with it, and their wings stretching out into
the country in the midst of gardens and orchards,
> Sparks's Washington, Vol. V. p. 78. « Marshall, Vol. I. p. 167'
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 473
and covered in front by the German chasseurs on
their left, and Simcoe's Queen's Rangers on their
right. Their pickets were at Mount Airy, two
miles fixrther up the main road.
Besides this main road, there were two other roads
to the village, — the Lime-kiln road, leading into the
centre of the camp, nearly at an angle of forty-five
degrees, and the old York road, which led to the
rear of the camp by a similar angle with the Lime-
kiln. Both of these roads were on the British right.
On their left, which was strengthened by Wissa-
hickon Creek, a small stream running for some dis-
tance almost parallel with the village, and then
eastward to empty into the Schuylkill, there was
still another road, generally known as the Ridge
road, which, crossing the creek not far from its
mouth, led directly in upon the German troops
who were posted there, and leaned, although they
did not absolutely rest upon the Schuylkill. To
strike the British, front, flank, and rear, and thus
rendering it impossible for one body to carry suc-
cor to another, crush them, as it were, by four
simultaneous blows, the American army was di-
vided into four columns, each of which was to act
by a separate road.
Sullivan led the right wing, which w^as to take
the enemy in front by the main road; Greene the
left, which was to come in upon their right by the
Lime-kiln road, while the attacks upon their rear
were intrusted to the Pennsylvania militia, under
Armstrong, by the Ridge road, and the Maryland
474 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
and Jersey militia, under Smallwood and Forman,
by tlie old York road. Light parties were to scour
the roads and fields in front, and keep open the
communications between the different corps as the
army advanced.
About seven ^ in the evening of the 3d of Octo-
ber the Americans broke up from their encamp-
ment at Metuchen Hill on Skippack Creek, and set
out upon their night march of sixteen miles. The
country, through which they were to pass was ir-
regular, dotted with woods, orchards, and enclosed
fields, with here and there a valley, and in some
places a marsh or a small watercourse. The air
was heavy with lowland vapors, through which the
stars twinkled fitfully, and the breath of the night-
wind was frosty and chill. But officers and men
were well broken in to night marches; and what
were walls that could be thrown down and ditches
that could be leaped, to mire knee deep and rivers
breast high ? and what the still mist to a pelting
rain ? On then they marched, with the heavy tread of
twenty thousand feet, and heavier rumbling of can-
non and ammunition wagons ; the veterans, strong
by their recollections of the past, and the new-
comers emulous of the name of veterans.
Sullivan's advance was the first on the ground,
and as they descended into the valley near Mount
Airy, the sun rose with the momentary promise of
a clear day, but was presently lost again in a fog.
The landscape, too, was almost lost, close wrapped
' Washintrtftn says 7, —Sparks, Vol. V. p. 78. Sullivan, 9, — Id. 464.
Pickcriny's MS. Diary, — "about 8."
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 475
in thick vapors, which, opening from time to time,
gave short gUmpses of objects forty yards distant,
and suddenly closing in again, dense and dark, left
the mind bewildered and the eye aching with the
effort to recover what it had seen. Still Sullivan
pressed on, came upon the British outposts by sur-
prise, drove them in, and still advancing and fight-
ing, for the British rallied at every fence and new
troops came up to their support, made sure his ad-
vance by the main road, with his troops well in
hand, and everything, like the sunrise just before,
bidding fair for a propitious day. And now, he
thought, it is time to hear from Greene ; and not
hearing from him, and fearing for his left flank, he
ordered Wayne to form on the east of the road, on
ground assigned to Greene in the original plan of
attack.
In that plan it had been expected that the whole
army would be upon the ground by daylight ; but
the difficulties of the road retarded Sullivan's ad-
vance till sunrise, and Greene's, with his additional
two miles, and a mistake of his guide,^ some time
longer. There would appear also to have been
some mistake in estimating the distances, involving,
of course, a corresponding mistake in fixing the
time for brinorins; the different columns into action.
Thus, it was about half an hour after Sullivan's at-
tack began when Greene came upon the ground,
advancing along the Lime-kiln road, with Stephen's
brigade on the west of it, Scott's, Muhlenberg's, and
1 Pickering's Diary and his letter in North American Keview, Vol.
XXIII. p. 425.
47G LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
McDoiigal's on the east. And here, Sullivan's change
in the oriizinal plan of attack, though well meant,and
apparently called for by the circumstances, wrought
a fatal injury, for as Stephen advanced, he found
"Wayne's corps in his front, where he had looked
only for the enemy, and mistaking it for the enemy,
fired upon it. "Wayne's troops, too, equally surprised
to find themselves attacked from their rear were
thrown into a momentary confusion, and before the
error could be corrected and order restored, Ste-
phen's division was irretrievably separated from
Greene's, and a dangerous gap made in the Ameri-
can line.
Still Greene pushed on at the head of his divis-
ion, Muhlenberg leading his own gallant brigade
which had made the great stand at the Brand}'-
wine. Scott and McDousral leadino; theirs ; the air
ringing the while with the sounds of the conflict
on the right, — sounds which a soldier, tr^'ing to
recall them when the battle was over, likened to
" the crackling of thorns under a pot, and incessant
peals of thunder." ^ The first force they met was
a body of light infantry, and driving it before them,
and sweeping resistlessly on, in a few moments they
found themselves in front of the British riirht, all
drawn up, and ready to receive them. In front of
them, I say. but still almost without seeing them,
for the fog was so thick that forty yards was the
farthest they could see, and often not farther than
twenty, and the hostile line, magnified by the mist,
' Letter of a soldier in the Newport Gazette.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 477
must have looked, as all indistinct objects do, larger
and stronger than it really was. But there was the
flash from the enemy's guns to guide them, and by
that flash they aimed their own, and firing rapidly
volley upon volley, soon made them waver and
shrink. Then forward came Muhlenberg, with the
bayonet, dashing upon them like a wave upon a
quivering wreck, and driving them sheer through
the camp into the village. Never before had those
low, steep-roofed stone houses looked down from
their pent-eaves or peered out from under their
ponderous cornices upon such a scene. Evil was
the hour when their builders built their walls of
stone, and, making them strong against cold and
heat, made them fatally strong against their friends.
For the British soldiers, well trained and prompt in
danger, threw themselves into them all through the
village, carrying even their light field-pieces into
the chambers, and pouring down hurtling showers
of cannon-balls and musket-balls from the windows.
Then might you have seen that the chief want of
our brave fellows was the want of discipline, and
that impassive bearing which discipline gives. For
as the combat deepened, and men began to fall, you
would see two, and often five or even six, quit their
places in the ranks to help off a wounded comrade,
dropping and losing their own arms by the way.
Many of these would not return to the line at
all, and often the wounded man would die be-
fore they reached the surgeon. Officers, too, were
frequently found out of their places, and separated
478 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
from their men at the very moment when their
famihar voices were most needed to guide them,
and their flmiihar faces to cheer them.^
And now, too, the air grew darker as the smoke
of the sfuns, and the still denser smoke of stubble
and hay, which the enemy had set fire to, to in-
crease the confusion, mingled with the fog; all
hanging over the battle-field in sulphurous folds,
which there was no wind to blow aside. And from
it came shouts and huzzas, and shrieks and groans,
and reverberations of cannon, and the crackling of
musketry ; and under it the fierce work still went
on, the deadly thrust and clash of bayonet, the
deadl}^ struggle hand to hand, eyes glaring mortal
hate into eyes they had never seen before, and foot
sternly pressed on palpitating limbs and bespatter-
ino; human blood. Look well to it, Kinsr Georo;e !
think well of it under the gilded canopy of your
royal closet ! for although none of these fiendish
sounds can reach you there now, the time w^ill
surely come when thej^ shall knock dolefully at
your door till Reason deserts her seat, and the man
at whose will all these brothers of God's household
are shedding each other's blood so freely becomes
a drivelling idiot.
The left wing then was in the village at the market-
place, and though reduced in numbers by Stephen's
inability to extricate his division from its entangle-
ment with Wayne — for Stephen, brave and tried
officer hitherto, had used his canteen too freely that
raw morning — was still driving the enemy and mak-
^ Pickering's Diary.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 479*
ing prisoners. Sullivan, too, was pressing forward,
and Wavne cominu; gallnntlv on. when — as some
say — a light-horseman called out abruptly, "We are
surrounded," and Sullivan's men, struck with sud-
den panic, turned and fled. Others say that their
ammunition was exhausted, others that nobod}^
knew why or how the alarm began. Wayne's men,
too, suddenly paused, and presently began to fall
back. Washington, as he saw them hurry by, point-
ing to their empty cartouch-boxes, saw that the day
was lost, felt that they were running from victory.
Then the British left, wheeling promptly round,
came back to the support of their right, and Greene
found himself between two fires. It was a critical
moment ; everything looking strange and unintel-
ligible through the fog ; aids riding hither and
thither with orders, but stopped at ever}'- step by
the orchard-walls and garden-walls which their
jaded horses were no longer able to leap ; the fire
on the right suddenly checked, and the sounds of
conflict passing away rapidlj^ up the road as if the
battle had suddenly come to an end. But it was
the moment that strong men love ; and Greene
w-as never stronger, firmer, or more self-possessed
than then. The day was lost, but his division
might, must be saved. Scott's brigade and McDou-
gal'Sjless advanced than Muhlenberg's, were prompt-
ly concentrated upon the line of retreat. But Muh-
lenbersr's was in the verv midst of the enemv, and
nothing but desperate eflbrts in the men, and con-
summate coolness in the officers, could save them.
'480 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
Tlicir liundred and ten prisoners were lost again.
Mathews, who, leading the advance, was in the
thickest of the conflict, was surrounded and forced
to yield, though not till nearly all his men had been
killed or wounded, and he himself disabled by bay-
onet-stabs. But it was in vain that the British, exult-
ant now, and confident of victory, pressed on ; the
Americans had withstood as impetuous a charge as
this at the Brandywine, and come off unbroken, and
unbroken they came off this dark morning too ;
Greene carefully gathering them in hand as they fell
back, and as soon as they were extricated from the
enemy, and set forward on their road campward,
placing himself in the rear to bring up the retreat.
Not one of his cannon was lost. Even a single
piece, that had been dismounted, was put into a
wagon and brought safely away. And to divert
the enemy's attention, and prevent them from get-
ting into his front, he divided his forces at a fork in
the road, sending part of them forward by one road
and takinij- the other himself with the rest.
Cornwalhs had now joined the pursuers with
fresh troops, and they pressed on with new vigor.
Pulaski's cavalry, wlio formed a rear-guard, shrink-
ing from their fire, rode over the second division,
which JHoke and scattered, mistaking them for the
enemy's dragoons. It seemed for a moment as if
the artillery must be lost. To allay the confusion
and save it, Greene ordered the men to lay hold of
each other's hands, and thus form a firm line again.
The balls, all this time, were whistling round him,
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 481
and his officers looked anxiously at his reckless ex-
posure of his person. But he well knew where men
turn for encouragement in danger, and what a
strengthening power there is in a firm brow and
cheerful countenance. Queues and curls were the
head-dress of the day. A musket-ball struck off
Captain's Burnet's queue as he was riding at the
General's side. " Burnet," said Greene, " you had
better jump down, if you have time, and pick up
your queue." " And your curl, too. General,"
answered Burnet, observing that another ball had
just taken off one of his commander's curls. Greene
laughed, and all held on their way, lighter-hearted
and more cheerful for the well-timed jest. And at
last Cornwallis, unable to get within striking dis-
tance, and suffering, without gaining ground, from
the American artillery, which every now and then
sent a sharp volley into his ranks, gave over the
pursuit, and drew off his men. It had continued
nearly five miles from the battle-field, and fifteen
more heavy miles were passed before the weary
army, vanquished again, but not yet disheartened,
regained the encampment from whence it had set
forth a few short days before with so much hope,
and so many comrades, alas ! who were never to
return to it again.
1 The authorities for the battle of Vol. XXIII. p. 425, his manuscript
Germantown have been collected and Diary ; and, among secondary author-
studied by Sparks with his usual dili- ities, Johnson's Greene and Muhlen-
gence. I have also consulted Gordon, berg's Muhlenberg. The only men-
who drew from original sources ; Mar- tion of the battle in Greene's papers
shall, who was present, Pickering's is in a letter to Henry Marchant, and
letter in the North American Review, the one to Henry Lee, already quoted.
31
CHAPTER XXII.
Beginning of the Cabal against Washington. — Forts on the Delaware.
— Christopher Greene. — Operations on both Sides of the Delaware.
— Attack of Red Bank. — Defeat and Death of Donop. — Rejoi-
cin<T3 of the Americans. — Colonel Greene thanked b}- Con<rress and
congratulated by Washington and General Greene. — Washington
anxious to attack the British. — Movements for the Support of
Fort Mifflin. — Attack and Fall of Fort Mifflin.
4 NOTHER defeat following close upon the
■^^ defeat of the Brandy wine, close upon toil-
some marches and countermarches, close upon the
loss of Philadelphia ! And the Northern army,
meanwhile was boldly breasting the great wave of
invasion, and fighting decisive battles, and prepar-
ing to strike the last crushing blow. Congressmen
were very indignant that Washington and his
advisers should blunder so, and display so little
enterprise ; and among these lay critics were John
Adams, who, in September, professed himself " sick
of Fabian systems in all quarters " ; ^ and, in
October, rejoiced '• that the glory of turning the
tide of arms was not immediately due to the Com-
mander-in-chief";^ and James Lovell, who wrote
in November, " our affairs are Fabiused into a very
di.sagreeablc posture," and " you will be astonished
1 Letters to his Wife, Vol. I. p. 265. ^ jbjd., Vol. II. p. 14.
ni7.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 483
when you come to know accurately what numbers
have at one thne and another been collected near
Philadelphia to wear out stockings, shoes, and
breeches." ^ Generals, too, shook their heads
gravely, Pennsylvania generals in particular, who
thought that Philadelphia ought to be preserved
at all hazards. Foremost among these was Mif-
flin, who, neglecting his duties as Quartermaster-
General,^ had retired to Heading in disgust at
Washington's refusal the summer before to march
directly to Philadelphia, instead of waiting to
know whither Howe was going.^ " According to
him, the ear of the Commander-in-chief was exclu-
sively possessed by Greene " ; " neither the most
wise, the most brave, nor most patriotic of counsel-
lors." ^ Even Wayne, — though in a different spirit,
— the spirit of Reed in December, lTT6,not the spirit
of Mifflin or Conway at any time, — complained to
Gates of the loss of Fort Mifflin and of Washington's
" listening too much to some counsel." ^
And thus from Congress and from camp eyes
were turned hopefully towards Gates, and letters,
some with and some without the writer's name,
went northward to encourage the fortunate general
in drawing flattering comparisons between himself
and the Commander-in-chief All through the last
months of the year this unholy spirit was at work,
1 Letter to Gates. — York, Novcm- General." — To President of Con-
ber 27, 1777. Gates papers, N. Y. gress, December 23, 1777.
H. Society. ^ Greene MSS. Letters of Febru-
2 Sparks, Vol. V. 198. "Since ruary 7, 1778.
the month of July we have had no * Graydon, p. 299.
assistance from the Quartermaster- ^ Gates Papers.
484 LIFE OF NATUANAEL GREENE. [1777.
active and hopeful in Congress, but never very
hopeful in camp, and hated wherever seen in the
country. IIow it was conceived in wounded
vanity, how it was fostered by untimely jealousies,
how it grew for a while in obscurity, and how it
shrunk and melted away in the light, I shall pres-
ently tell as fully as my materials will allow ; for
Washington's and Greene's names are so blended
in it that it belongs equally to the story of both.
Meanwhile it behooves us, as we follow Greene's
steps through tlie remainder of this anxious year,
to keep our eyes upon this deepening cloud, and
remember with what a dark menace it hung upon
an horizon already so dark.
Disappointed, though not disheartened, by the
result of his bold attack upon the British forces at
Germantown, Washington now directed his atten-
tion more anxiously to the defences of the Dela-
ware. Howe, it was well known, already found it
difficult to feed his army in the half-beleaguered
city,^ and could the forts hold out a few weeks
longer, till cold weather and ice came to their aid,
he might be compelled to return ignominiously to
his ships, or fight his way, at great peril, through
the Jerseys to New York. These forts, as we have
already seen, were Fort Mercer at Red Bank on
the Jersey shore, and Fort Mifflin on Great Mud or
Fort Island in the Delaware ; both of them about
1 Life of President Reed, Vol. L six dollars Continental money; beef,
p. 33 1. " Salt, four dollars per bushel very poor, from Is. 6d. to 2s. ed. per
(h:ird money) ; butter, one dollar per pound ; flour not to be purehased."
pound ; sugar, Is. td. per pound, or
1777.] LIJFE OF NATH.\NAEL GREENE. 485
seven miles below Philadelphia, and near enough
to the American camp for their heavy guns to
be distinctly heard there. The defence of Fort
Mifflin was intrusted to Baron Arendt, "colonel of
the German battalion, an officer of experience and
ability," ^ and in his absence, for he was compelled
by illness to leave soon after assuming the com-
mand, to Lieutenant-Colonel Smith of Maryland ;
that of Fort Mercer to our old friend. Colonel
Christopher Greene of Ehode Island.
Reinforcements were already on their way to the
main army, both from the North and the South,
when the battle of Germantown was fought. Among
the reinforcements from the North was Varnum's
brigade ; and while they were yet on their way, an
express from Washington met them with a letter
of the 7th for Varnum, saying : —
" I desire you "will immediately on the receipt of this
detach Colonel Greene's and Colonel Angell's regiments
with their baggage, with orders to throw themselves into
the fort at Red Bank upon the Jersey shore
General Greene has written a particular letter to Colonel
Greene, in which he will find instructions," " Upon the
whole, sir," end these instructions, " you will be pleased
to remember, that the post with which you are now
intrusted is of the utmost importance to America, and
demands every exertion of which you are capable for its
security and defence. The whole defence of the Dela-
ware absolutely depends upon it ; and consequently all
the enemy's hopes of keeping Philadelphia, and finally
succeeding in the object of the present campaign. In-
1 General to Colonel Greene, October 18, 1777. — Greene MSS.
486 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. Ll"7.
flucnccd by these considerations, I doubt not your regard
to the service, and your own reputation, will prompt
you to every possible elTort to accomplish the important
end of your trust, and frustrate the intentions of the
enemy. ^
" I arrived here on Saturday last, with my regiment,"
writes Greene from Red Bank on the 14th. " They were
much fatigued with the march, as I forced thirty-five miles
one day. They are now in high spirits, and go to their
duty with the greatest cheerfulness. The enclosed return
shows our strength. I have found it necessary to contract
the fort ; but it is now too large for our numbers, as we
have very little to expect from the militia I find
it necessary for the security of the post, to keep my men
all on fatigue duty. This, I doubt, will cause them to be
less spirited in action, if I should be under the necessity
to continue it, which must be the case unless I am rein-
forced. The post I have in charge I am determined to
defend, with the small number I command, to the last
extremity ; yet I doubt my number is much too small to
answer your Excellency's expectations."
Meanwhile every effort was made " to divert the
enemy's attention and force." ^ On the IGth of Oc-
' Sparks's Washington, Vol. V. p. is hardly probable that "in which he
86. As the "particular letter of will find" means only in the sanie
General Greene" is referred to as envelope with Greene's letter; for in
containing Colonel Greene's instruc- the regular order they would have
tions, is it not probable that the in- been enclosed in the letter to Var-
structions put)!i>hed by Mr. Sparks num, the commander of the brigade,
arc really a letter of Greene in the rather than to the subordinate officer
form of instructions, and written in whom Varnum was to detach. The
Washington's name? If not, why question, however, is one of mere
should Washintrton <:pcak of it as "a curiosity, having no importance, ex-
pariiculnr letter " containing instruc- cejit as it illustrates the intimacy of
tions, when he had already given in- Greene's relations with Washington,
siriictions himself of the same date, 2 Washington to President of Con-
and covering the whole ground ? It gress. — Sparks, Vol. V. p. 94.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 487
tober Washington advanced again to the ground
Tvhich he held before his attack upon Germantown.
Light parties familiar with the roads were kept
hovering around the enemy, ready at every op-
portunity to strike at his foragers and intercept
his supplies. On one occasion, Greene was ordered
to cross the Schuylkill, and attack a supply train,
which was said to be on the road to Chester with
an escort of fifteen hundred men. But, remember-
ing the disastrous effects of rain on the American
cartouch-boxes at the Warren Tavern a month
before, Washins-ton added in his instructions :
" Come back if it rains." And rain coming on, as
had been apprehended, Greene, obedient to his
orders, retraced his steps. Next, a strong detach-
ment was sent out under McDougal, and, upon
more accurate information of the enemy's designs,
reinforced to four thousand men. They advanced
" in great spirits," marching most of the night, to
attack a post which the enemy was forming at
Gray's Ferry, for the protection of their bridge,
but found the post deserted, and the bridge de-
stroyed.
These were anxious days for Greene, for he had
no common stake in his namesake's success. It
was doubtless he who had recommended him for
that important trust. In that little garrison of
four hundred men were playmates of his boy-
hood, companions of his youth, friends of his man-
hood. It was but eleven months since another
post, stronger by nature than this could be made
488 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENK [1777.
by art, lind fallen in a few hours, with all eyes fixed
upon it, as they were now fixed upon Red Bank ;
and many had laid the loss at his door. What if
Christopher Greene should fail as Magaw had
failed? What if the Rhode-Islanders should be
panic-stricken, as more than half the garrison of
Fort Washington had been panic-stricken ? ^ 0,
how his enemies and Washington's enemies would
rejoice ; and with what a redoublement of strength
■would they follow up their nefarious machinations !
It was a grave responsibility that he had assumed ;
but he never shrunk from responsibility. He still
believed that Fort Washino;ton miu;ht have been
defended. He knew that Fort Mercer would
be: —
" This will be handed you," he writes to his kinsman,
from the camp at Mantuchen, on the IStli, " by Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Greene, who commands a detachment
from my division, sent down as a reinforcement for the
posts on the Delaware. They are exceeding good troops ;
and are to be depended on as much as any troops in the
army. I am in hopes, with this additional strength, you
will be able to baffle all the attempts of the enemy to
dislodge you. The Baron Arendt, colonel of the German
battalion, an officer of experience and ability, is coming
down to take the command at Fort Mifflin, agreeable to
the determination of the council in the first instance.
He is thought to be an officer of great spirit. Remember
me to all friends.
" Your affectionate,
"N. Greene."
1 Greene to John Brown, September 11, 1778, quoted above, p. 275.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 489
This other Colonel Greene was a Virginian, a
resolute, sturdy man, whom we shall meet at
Guilford, and on the Reedy Fork. Greene had
proved him already at the Brandywine and Ger-
mantown : and would have been srlad to have had
him at his kinsman's side in the dangerous hour,
now close at hand.
But before day on the 22d, and before this rein-
forcement had arrived, word came to the guard at
Timber Creek bridge, that the enemy were coming
down upon them from Haddonfield, four battalions
of Hessians, twelve hundred veterans, with the
veteran Count Donop at their head. The guard
promptly took up the bridge ; and the enemy, un-
able to ford the stream, were compelled to make
a four miles' march up its right bank to another
bridge. Before they could do this, regain the
main road and reach the fort, it was already noon.
The little garrison was on the lookout for them,
and, peering curiously through the embrasures and
over the parapet, could see them gathering on the
skirts of a w^ood within cannon-shot of the fort,
and preparing themselves for the onset. Greene, to
inspirit his men, mounted the rampart, and walked
up and down, taking a last survey of his defences ;
and then turning calmly to look at the enemy
through his little pocket spyglass, — the only field-
glass of those days. " Fire low, men," said he, as
he came down ; " they have a broad belt just above
their hips, — aim at that." ^ The original fort had
1 1 draw these statements from well- thorities, — Dr. Peter Turner, of East
attested tradition. One of the au- Greenwich, — in his description of the
490 LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. [1777.
been planned for a large garrison ; but, under the
direction of the gallant Plessis de Mauduit, a skil-
ful engineer, Greene had reduced it to a pentago-
nal redoubt, with " a good earthen rampart, a
ditch, and abbatis in front of the ditch." ^ Within
this his four hundred men could work their four-
teen cannon, and use their muskets with free room
to move in, and not too much space to guard. As
his practised eye ran over their ranks, he felt his
heart swell with pride. There might be a few
doubtful ones among the men, but the officers he
knew bv trial ; and he knew that in moments like
these it is the officer that makes the man. There
was vouno; Samuel Ward, who had followed him to
Cambridge and Quebec as captain, and now stood
by his side as his major, — slender, but tall, vigor-
ous, and erect, with a keen flash in his eye, and im-
movable firmness on his lips and brow. There was
Simeon Thaj^er, a soldier of the old French war, like
Ward, his companion at Cambridge, trained to en-
durance in the wilderness, and proved in the night
assault upon Quebec. There was Israel Angell,
another tried man and true ; and the two impetu-
ous 01ney.s, Jeremiah and Stephen ; and there, too,
was young Sylvanus Shaw, of Newport, looking for
the last time upon the noonday sun. There they
stood, friends and proved companions all of them,
assault, nlways <lwelt with emphasis though a verv short man, pacing
upon Greene's apiicarunre on the the room with the air and bearing a
rampart, often springing to his feet, giant.
as lie warmc.I with the narrative, my 2 ChastcUux's Travels.
coDsin, S. W. Greene tells rae, and,
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 491
and strong in the strength which friendship and
companionship inspire in the hour of danger.^
Well might Greene's heart beat high as he looked
around him ujDon these brave men, and remem-
bered what was required at his hands and theirs.
Four hours wore feverishly aw\ay, while the ene-
my were planting their cannon and resting them-
selves from their morning's march. At last, at
half past four, two men were seen approaching, an
officer with a flag, and a drummer marching before
him, and beating his drum as he had been used to
beat it in his native Hesse, where drum and bayonet
gave the law. The Americans felt their veins
tingle as they saw his arrogant gesture, but they
sent Lieutenant-Colonel Olney to meet him, and
their blood boiled hotter still when they heard the
officer's arrogant words : " The King of England
orders his rebellious subjects to lay down their
arms, and they are warned that if they stand the
battle, no quarter whatever will be given them."
" We shall neither ask for quarter, nor expect it,
and shall defend the fort to the last extremity,"
answered Olney, and he had hardly regained the
works when the enemy opened their fire from their
cannon on the skirt of the wood. In an instant
the air was filled with the dust and gravel that
flew in clouds from the top of the breastwork as
1 A principle of human nature not range his troops so that " kindred may
overlooked by Homer, who makes support kindred and tribe tribe " : —
Nestor advise Agamemnon to ar-
Qs (pprjTprj cf)pT]Tpr](f)iv dprjyrj, (jivXTj Se (pvXois-
Iliad, II. 363.
402 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
the balls struck it in swift succession. A few heads
were struck too. Then all was silent again but
the heavy tread of trained steps, and the stern
words of officers to their men, as, with the precision
which years of toilsome drilling had given them,
the Hessians advanced to the assault. A few mo-
ments brought them to the first intrenchment,
which had been abandoned in contracting the fort,
and finding it empty, though entire, and seeing no
signs of the Americans, who lay silent behind their
inner works, they raised a loud huzza, waved their
hats over their heads, and rushed on to the second
intrenchment. The drummer beat his liveliest
march, and the officer who had borne the insolent
summons was again seen near him at the head of
the advance, — a Hessian, some say, and others, an
Englishman, who had been sent with the Hessians
as interpreter.^ But the silence of the Ameri-
cans was the silence of Bunker Hill, and here, as
there, a row of black tubes might have been seen
reaching over the top of the parapet and following
the advancing column, as the eye of the tiger fol-
lows its victim ; and here, too, no sooner were the
enemy within range, than the same deadly fire
darted fprth from the earthen mound, and the Hes-
sian column shook, fearfully rent and yawning w^ith
deep gaps. Down went the drummer headlong
1 Heath snys, " A very capable ad- witliout the work, and where he had
jutant whom Donop sent, in order, if no opportunity to see more tlian tlie
possible, to get some idea of the ditch and parapet on that side." —
work ; hut the commandant of the Memoirs, pp. 137, 138.
fort took care to have him stopped
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 49
o
among- the foremost, — down the bearer of the
bloody threat. Still the wavering ranks pressed
on, treading now in slippery blood, and stumbling
over mangled bodies, and, coming close up to the
abbatis, began to tear away the branches. But faster
and deadlier came the whizzing balls in front and
on the flank, where a part of the old curtain form-
ed a projection, behind which Stephen Olney stood
with his trained marksmen, raking the ditch at
every fire. Vainly did the poor Hessians stagger
forward and pluck madly at the branches to open
themselves a passage. Vainly did their officers
bring them back, again and again, to the fatal
ditch. Officers and men fell alike before the with-
ering fire, some in heaps one upon the other, some
among the boughs they were trying to tear away.
" Look, Captain, and see me shoot," said Sweetzer,
one of Stephen Olney's men. " I indulged him
four or five times," says Olney, " and his object fell.
I then directed him to fire at an officer, and he
only staggered a little." Not so, poor Donop, who
came proudly into the battle, like Nelson at Trafal-
gar, with his glittering star, which he had won in
other battles, on his breast. It caught the eye of
one of these trained marksmen, and taking deadly
aim, he hit the bold Hessian in the thigh, shattering
it with a mortal wound. Still, discipline held the
thinned ranks together. There was yet a chance
of success on the river-side, and towards it they
turned their desperate fury. But this brought
them between two fires, that of the small-arms
494 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
from the fort, and that of Hazleton's galleys from
the water. Courage and discipline were vain here,
and, breaking once more, they fled in ho^Deless
confusion.
Meanwhile, the second column had passed the
abbatis on the south side of the redoubt, crossed
the ditch, and mounted the berme. But here the
skilful Mauduit, to make the defence sure, had
formed a projecting framework of horizontal stakes,
set firm in the embankment, and pointed sharp at
the outer end. At first, some of the garrison, re-
membering the eflfect of the enemy's cannon when
the fiij-ht beo:an, were afraid to show their heads
above the parapet, and, raising their guns as high
as they could, fired downwards at a venture. But
Jeremiah Olney soon brought them to reason with
his hanger, belaboring their backs with it till they
were glad to take aim, as their braver companions
did ; and before this fire, too, the enemy soon
quailed and broke, some making their wa}' back
across the ditch, while some preferred to take their
chance as prisoners, rather than to run such a
gauntlet again. When Mauduit came out to re-
pair the abbatis, he found some twenty of them
standing close up to the shelving of the parapet,
in order to keep themselves out of sight. In forty
minutes all was over; four hundred Hessians lay
dead or wounded outside of the redoubt, thirty-
two Americans within ; amongst them Sylvanus
Shaw, whom death had spared when Montgomery
fell, and Arnold and Lamb were wounded under
the walls ol Quebec.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 495
The day had been warm, but the heavy air from
the river and the woods grew cold when the sun
was down. It was very sad, say those who saw
them, to see' the dead and the dying as they lay in
heaps one upon the other. It was still sadder to
hear the doleful cries and groans of the Avounded
as the keen nig-ht-air bit into the bullet-holes and
sword-gashes wdth its frosty breath. " But, " sa3's
an eyewitness, "I could not but remember what
our fate would have been had they conquered. "
Stephen Olney, who commanded the night guard,
had some of them carried into a little floorless hut,
and laid beside the fire, " which rendered them,"
says he, " a little more comfortable than in the
open air." Well do I remember the surgeon who
was busy among those wounded men through the
long hours of the autumn night, — Peter Turner, of
East Greenwich, a hale old man in my early child-
hood, still following his noble art, and ministering
to the sick and suffering ; and well too do I re-
member the strange feelings, half awe, at coming
so near to the mystery of death, half boyish enjoy-
ment of martial sights and sounds, with which I
followed the muffled drum at his funeral, and saw
his brethren of the Kentish Guards fire their fare-
well over his grave.^
1 This name, so familiar in Rhode at Newbern, N. C, in the line of his
Island, reappears with new honors in duty; one. Captain William G. Turn-
the war for the Union: four of the old er, having been disabled by a severe
Surgeon's grandsons, out of a family wound at the battle of Fredericks-
of six, having served in it from burg, and the other two returning
the beginning ; one of them, George uninjured to civil life at the close of
r. Turner, dying of yellow-fever the war. Nothing but the insufficient
496 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
Maudiiit was one of the earliest to go the rounds
%yhen the battle was over. As he was passing one
of the bloody heaps, he heard a voice from it say-
ino", "AVhoever you are, draw me hence." It was
impossible to see who it was by the faint starlight,
but he ordered the soldiers who were with him to
take up the wounded man and carry him into the
redoubt. When he was come within, and they
looked upon him closer by the light of their lan-
terns, they saw that it was Count Donop, the
Hessian colonel. Some of them called to mind
the bloody words that had passed his pale lips
hardly two hours before. "Well," said the}^, " it
is determined to give no quarter." " I am in your
hands," answered the unhappy man ; " revenge
yourselves." But the vengeance they sought was
in binding up his wounds, and placing him under
the care of a tender nurse in a neighboring farm-
house, where three days afterwards he died, sa^'ing,
in French, to Mauduit, with his last breath : " It is
finishing a noble career early. I die the victim of
my ambition, and of the avarice of my sovereign." ^
health of one, and tlie imperative do- " Major Thayer .... was do-
mestic duties of tlic other, prevented tached al)out the dusk of the evening
the two remaining brothers from tak- with a small force, to bring in the
ing up arms. wounded. As he was employed in
1 In this account of Donop's death this humane service, two Hessian gren-
I have followed Mauduit"s narrative, adiers approached and told him their
as reported by Chastellux, Vol. I. commanding officer, Count Donop,
p. 200, &c. The account in Stone's was lying wounded in the edge of
Memoir of Thayer, which is drawn the woods, near where their artillery
directly from Thayer's papers, dif- played. Suspecting an attempt to
fers from it so materially that I decoy him into an ambuscade, he
give it in full without attempting to placed them under guard, telling
decide between the two claimants : them if they deceived him they would
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 497
And when the enemy were all gone, and the
sounds of the conflict had died away, and the dead
and the wounded were numbered, " Take your
pen," said Colonel Greene to Ward, "and tell his
Excellency what we have done." And Ward took
his pen and wrote that letter which Mr. Sparks has
published in the fifth volume of his Washington,
so modest and calm, and almost severe, in its sim-
plicity, that when I read it, it seems to me as if
I were still listening to the calm tones of his voice,
as when, in my inquisitive boyhood, I listened to
his stories of Red Bank and Quebec.
Loud and heartfelt was the rejoicing in the
American camp when that letter reached it,
" I heartily congratulate you upon this happy event,"
wrote Washington to the successful Colonel, " and beg
you will accept my most particular thanks, and present
the same to your whole garrison, both officers and men.
Assure them that their gallantry and good behavior meet
my warmest approbation. " ^
Congress " Resolved^ That Congress have an high
sense of the merit of Colonel Greene and the officers and
men under his command in their gallant defence of the
fort at Red Bank on Delaware River, and that an ele-
gant sword be provided by the Board of War, and pre-
sented to Colonel Greene." ^
immediatel}' be put to death ; to this take him in a blanket, and carry him
they readily assented, and conducted with all possible care to the fort,
him to the place where they found where he was received by Colonel
the Count lying under a tree mortally Greene." — Stone's Invasion of Can-
wounded. The Count asked the ada in 1775, p. 7.5.
Major if he was an officer, and of ^ Sparks's Washington, Vol. V. p.
what rank, of which being satisfied, 111.
he surrendered himself a prisoner. ^ jQ^mals of Congress, Vol. II. p.
Major Thayer caused six men to 312. Tuesday, Nov. 4, 1777.
32
498 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
" With the greatest pleasure I congratulate you on
your late brave and successful defence," writes General
Greene to his kinsman. " Tlie attempt was bold, and
the defence noble. Honor and laurels will be the re-
ward of the garrison." ^
The hopes of the Americans were greatly raised ;
could the defence be prolonged till the arrival of
reinforcements from the North, Howe would yet be
driven back to his ships. But it was not to be ex-
pected that he would accept Donop's defeat as a
final decision of the contest, and permit the Ameri-
cans to retain their hold upon the Delaware with-
out fio-htinoj hard for it.
" Griffin informs me," Greene continues (and with what
a pleasant recollection of peaceful Coventry this name
comes to us !) " you are in great fear of a siege, and it will
be impossible to defend the place any length of time
should the enemy lay siege to it. I am sorry to learn that
the garrison are growing sickly. Their labor and fatigue
must be intolerable. A strong reinforcement will be sent
you immediately. I believe three hundred have marched
to-day, and more will march to-morrow. You may de-
pend that my influence, so far as it extends, shall be
exerted to relieve the anxiety of the garrison."
Great efforts had been made, and were still made,
to call out the militia, but with very imperfect suc-
cess, few answering the call, and most of those few
displaying so little spirit that Colonel Greene
wrote there was very " little to expect from
them";^ and Washington even went so far as to
1 General Greene to Colonel Chris- ^ Sparks's Correspondence of the
tophcr Greene, October 26, 1777. Revolution, Vol. II. p. 4.
Greene MSS.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 499
direct Yarnnm not to bring them into the forts,
" for I am of opinion they would rather dismay
than assist the Continental garrison." ^ Varnum,
too, was sent into Jersey with a strong detachment
to hold the ground on the left bank of the Dela-
ware, and protect the forts from another assault on
the land side. But what Washington most desired
was to attack the British general himself and drive
him from Philadelphia by main force. Light par-
ties were still kept hovering around him ; spies
went backwards and forwards with prompt notice
of every movement ; his best officers, Greene
among them, were sent out to reconnoitre. But to
attack with any prospect of success required more
strength than he could bring to bear upon such
stromi; works as Howe had surrounded himself
with. That strength could only come from the
victorious army of the North, and thither Hamilton
was despatched to urge the immediate march of
strong reinforcements.
Meanwhile Howe's plans were ripening. Fort
Mifflin's turn was come. Too large for its garri-
son, — never strong, — built on a low mud-bank,
miscalled an island, which at high tide was always
more than half under water, with five batteries
of eighteen, twenty-four, and thirty-two pounders
within five hundred yards of its walls, and an un-
wholesome atmosphere undermining the health of
its garrison, how long could it be expected to hold
out against the overwhelming force that was
slowly gathering around it ?
1 Washington to Varnum, November 7. — Varnum Papers.
500 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
Much, at one time, had been expected from the
fleet, but llazlewood was a State officer, and jeal-
ousies sprang up between the United States officers
and the State officers which prevented a cordial
co-operation when nothing but cordial co-operation
could have made their exertions effectual. Some-
thing, too, was expected from the militia, — not
fighting, but work at night in repairing the dam-
age done by the enemy's fire during the day.
" I would have you endeavor," writes "Washington to
Varnura at 1 P. M., on the 12th of November, " to pre-
vail upon the militia to go over at night, when there is a
cessation of firing, and work till daylight. You may
give them the most positive assurance that it is not meant
to keep them there against their consent. This would
greatly relieve the Continental troops, and by these
means a great deal of work might be done." ^
In October there had been " a scattering can-
nonade"^ up to the day of Donop's defeat, after
which both forts were left in peace for a while. On
the 10th of November the real siege began." Smith
was active, vigilant, and firm. His chief engineer
was Fleury, a young Frenchman, who had already
distinguished himself at the Brandy wine, and was to
distinguish himself yet more at Stony Point. The
artillery was commanded by Captain-Lieutenant
Treat, " one of the most promising and best of young
ofTicers," says Knox, who had seen him tried. With
the later reinforcements had come Silas Talbot,
1 Varnum rapcrs.
* Angclls Letter in Cowdl's Spirit of 1776 in Rhode Island.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 501
of Providence, just promoted by Congress " in con-
sideration of his merit and services in a spirited at-
tempt to set fire to one of the enemy's ships of war
in the North River " ^ the year before. These were
officers whom the men could look up to with confi-
dence, smiling grimly as Smith uttered a grim joke.
" What are you dodging for, sir? " said he sternly to
one of his aids, who could not hold his head firm as
the bullets whistled by ; " the king of Prussia had
thirty aids killed in one day." " Yes, sir," answered
the young man, " but Colonel Smith has n't so many
to lose."
From the beginning the fire was very heavy.
" I am interrupted by the bombs and baits, which fall
thickly," writes Fleury in his journal, on the 10th, at
noon. " The fire increases, but not the effect ; our bar-
racks alone suffer. Two o'clock. The direction of the
fire is changed ; our palisades suffer ; a dozen of them
are broken down ; one of our cannon is damaged, — I am
afraid it will not fire straight. Eleven o'' clock at night.
The enemy keep up a firing every half-hour ; our garri-
son diminishes ; our soldiers are overwhelmed with fa-
tigue. 11th. The enemy keep up a heavy fire; they
have changed the direction of their embrasures, and, in-
stead of battering our palisades in front, they take them
obliquely, and do great injury to our north side. At
night. The enemy fire, and interrupt our works. Three
vessels have passed up between us and Province Island
without any molestation from the galleys. Colonel
Smith, Captain George, and myself wounded. Those
two gentlemen passed immediately to Red Bank."
1 Journals of Congress, Vol. II. p. 285. Friday, October 10, 1777.
502 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
LieutenaiitColonel Russell, of the Connecticut
line, now took the command. " Heavy firing,"
continues Fleury on the 12th;. "our two eighteen-
pounders at the northern battery dismounted. At
night. The enemy throw shells, and we are alarmed
by thirty boats." " Lieutenant-Colonel Russell, an
amiable, sensible man, and an excellent officer, ex-
hausted by fatigue, and totally destitute of health,
requested to be recalled." ^ Who wdll take the
command now ? Washington's orders had just
reached Varnum : the fort was to be held as long as
it could be held without sacrificing the garrison. It
was no time to detach " officers in rotation " as their
terms of service came round.^ None but a volun-
teer could bring the right spirit to work like this.
And then it was that Simeon Thayer, of Provi-
dence, came forward, as twice before he had come
forward to do perilous duty under the walls of
Quebec. On the morning of the 13th the little
garrison saw him calmly take his place at their
head : detachments from Durkey's and Chandler's
Connecticut regiments coming with hhn to relieve
the remainder of Smith's men.^ A new battery
was opened upon them as if to greet their arrival.
"The walk of our rounds is destroyed," writes
Fleury, "the block-houses ruined, and garrison
is exhausted with fatigue and ill health." The new
detachments, it will be remembered, formed only
part of the garrison. Another night of watchful-
1 Varnum's letter to'thc Providence » Angell's Letter of Febmary 17,
Gazette. 1778.
2 Id.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 503
ness and labor and constant alarm wears slowly
away. Another morning dawns, — the morning of
the 14th, — and as Thayer looks out upon the misty
river he sees, near the shore, just above the enemy's
grand battery, a large floating battery all ready to
open upon his crumbling works. By noon he
silences it ; but a boat from the fleet deserts to the
enemy with the tale of the weakness of the Ameri-
cans, and the desperate straits to which they are
reduced. And now, knowing what a shadow he
has to deal with, the British commander will surely
gather up all his strength and crush them. Only
one thing can save them : a strong diversion by
strong detachments from the main army.
"Washington knew it, and longed to make the
trial.
" We have just returned from reconnoitring the
islands below and up to the Middle Ferry," writes
Greene from Mr. Morris's, November 4th, 8 o'clock, P.
M. We purpose to go out again in the morning ; from
the present view, Derby appears the only eligible posi-
tion for the army for the purpose of their crossing the
river. It is the opinion of several of the gentlemen that
the enemy may be best dislodged from the islands by de-
tachments. Others are of opinion that it would be dan-
gerous, unless the party was covered by the army ; but
all are of opinion it is practicable either the one or the
other ; and, considering the good consequences that will
result from it, it ought to be attempted. Derby is not
the most eligible post I ever saw, but it is not so dan-
gerous as to discourage the attempt to relieve Fort
Mifflin.
504 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
" The flii}^ was flying at Fort Mifflin at sunset this
evening ; there has been a very severe cannonade to-
day. Enclosed is a letter from Colonel Greene respect-
ing the condition of the fort. The enemy have got up
two or three vessels into the Schuylkill ; they were at-
tempting to get up a two-and-thirty gun frigate between
Ilog Island and Province Island. By the best ol)serva-
tion we could make, her guns were taken out and fol-
lowed her in a sloop. She did not get up, but what was
the reason I know not.
" The commodore should be directed to sink a vessel
or two in the new channel as soon as possible, and the
fort encouraged to hold out to the last.
" There is but one bridge over the Schuylkill, and that
is at the Middle Ferry. I examined the river myself
from the falls to the mouth.
" The enemy have got a chain of redoubts, with abbatis
between, from one river to the other. A part of this is
from information, and part from my own observation.
The Schuylkill is very deep and rapid, too deep for foot
to ford it. The bridge at Mattison's Ford is not in so
great forwardness as I could wish ; the commanding offi-
cer says it will be done in three days ; but a bridge of
wagons can be thrown over for the foot to pass if that
should not be done.
"■ The enemy are greatly discouraged by the fort's hold-
ing out so long ; and it is the general opinion of the best
of citizens that the enemy will evacuate the city if the fort
holds out until the middle of next week
" From the best accounts we can get, there are but
five ships with troops on board in the river."
" I trust and believe it is not 3'^et too late to give
the forts some relief," wrote Reed on the 16th.*
> Life of President Reed, Vol. I. p. 336.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 505
But, weighing carefully his own strength and the
enemy's, Washington saw that the hazard was too
great. He had done all that his means permitted
and his judgment warranted, and would not imperil
his army by a false step.
But already the fate of Fort Mifflin was decided.
Disheartened by the obstinate resistance which they
had encountered, the British were, at one moment,
it is said, upon the point of giving up the contest
and evacuating the city. But new resolutions came
with the discovery of a new channel which the cur-
rent, turned from its natural course by the chevaiix-
de-frise, had worn between Hog Island and the
Pennsylvania shore. A passage was now open for
their heavy ships.
A grand and fearful sight that noble three hun-
dred presented to the morning sun of the 15th of
November.^ All the preceding day they had fought
against overwhelming odds, all the preceding night
they had worked and slept by turns, working
rather to clear away ruins than to build up new de-
fences, and sleeping on the slimy ooze which formed
the floor of the fort.^ Their fort itself was shattered
and rent in every part; their block-houses were de-
stroyed ; only two cannon were left mounted ;
five strong redoubts were training their heavy
guns upon them from Province Island ; six ships,
four of them sixty-fours, and two of them forties,
1 In his admirable letter of the 17th November, to the President of Con-
gress.— Sparks, Vol. V. p. 151.
2 Marshall.
50G LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. Ll"7.
Mere within nine hundred yards of them on the
river; three ships, "with a galley and some smaller
armed vessels," ^ were coming up and taking station
between them and the redoubt on the Jersey shore,
which they had counted upon for protection against
a cross fire. With eyes that looked out heavily
from under weary lids they saw these prepara-
tions,— saw the fatal circle closing slowly around
them ; and, doing what little they could to pre-
pare themselves for the struggle, calmly aw\aited
the signal to begin. The autumn sun was already
high over their heads when it came, a single
bugle-note, and at once from ship and battery
came flash and roar and hurtling balls, and soon
a dark cloud gathered around the ships and settled
heavilv over the fort. With throbbinar hearts the
garrison of Fort Mercer looked down from their
walls. When will that cloud break and show us
our own flag again ? It broke, and the broad folds
of the younfi; flasr were still wavino; defiantlv over
the ruins, and still from the two remaining guns
went forth a resolute answer to the enemy's cannon.
Soon those two were dismounted also. At eleven a
"ship mounting tw^enty twenty-four-pounders and
a sloop with three twenty-four-pounders, warped
up back of Hog Island," close to the fort, — so close
that the men in their tops could look straight
down into the works and throw hand-o;renades into
them. Their very yard-arms seemed to overhang
the shattered walls. Not a man could show himself
1 Lord Howe. Almon's Remembrancer, Vol. V. p. 499.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 507
upon the platform without becoming the mark for
forty eager rifles. At a quarter before three came
a faint dawn of hope. Varnum wrote to Thayer
" that the floating batteries and some of the galleys
were working up to attack" these new enemies.
With longing eyes the little garrison saw them
draw nigh ; with heavy hearts they saw them put
about and go back. The fleet had failed them.^
And all the while the fatal fire kept on, — direct
from the ships, a cross fire from the land batteries.
Over a thousand balls came rushing in upon them
in twenty minutes.^ " Long before night there
was not a single palisade left." ^ The embrasures
were knocked in, " the parapet levelled." The men
crouched behind the fragments of wall outside the
fort, the only protection left them,^ grasping their
weapons firmly for a last struggle, hand to hand.
Treat was dead. A first-lieutenant, two sergeants,
and three privates of the artillery were dead ; nine
others were lying wounded by their guns, several
of them mortally ; sixteen dead and wounded out
of tw^enty, the full number of the artillery when
the siege began. Talbot had fought for hours with
his wrist shattered, and at last was wounded in the
hip also. Fleury had been wounded four days, but
stuck to his post.
Night came on, and welcome were its protecting
shadows to these weary men. The ships drew off,
dropping down to the lower chevaux-de-frise. The
1 Angell's Letter. 2 Varnum's Letter.
8 Knox to Colonel Lamb. — Life of Lamb, p. 17.3.
* Angell's Letter.
508 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
fire from tlie batteries continued. Then as darkness
settled over the scene the sound of oars was heard
from the Jersey side. Yarnum had sent boats over
to take off the garrison, if Thayer thought best to
evacuate. The gallant fellow, who knew how
much every hour's delay was worth to Washing-
ton, would gladly have held out longer. Even
now he could hardly bring his mind to acknowl-
edge that all hope was gone. He collected the
stores and put them into the boats ; he collected
the wounded, and then out of the remnants of
his three hundred, selecting for himself forty, he
sent the rest a^vay. They at least and the stores
were safe. It was seven in the evenins; when all
this was done. Then with his chosen forty he again
went the rounds to see what could yet be done for
defence. On the bosom of the broad river all was
silent, and the peaceful stars looked down into it
as sweetly as if man's blood had never defiled its
waters. But flir down where his eye could not
pierce the darkness, Thayer knew that the enemy's
ships were lying quietly at anchor, waiting only
for the return of daylight to close in upon him
again. And from the enemy's batteries, which half
girded him round like the curve of the half-moon,^
shells still came shriekin"; throuo-h the air, and balls
still came dashing among the ruins. Midnight
brought no change, no protecting storm, no sudden
shift of wind, no prospect of succor from man or
from the elements. It was madness, not manly
1 Angell's Letter.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 509
courage, to stay longer, and spiking the dismount-
ed guns which he had no means of removing, and
setting fire to the remains of the barracks, that
not a frao-ment mii^-ht fall entire into the hands
of the enemy, he drew off his men to the shore,
distributed them among the boats, and crossed
the perilous passage in the light of the blazing
ruins. Eager hands grasped his as he entered
Fort Mercer, where no one had expected to
see him again alive,-^ and when for the first
time in five nights he laid his head upon
a pillow, he could say to himself, "I can sleep
now, for I have done my duty." And if any
should accuse me of dwelling too minutely upon
these details, I would remind them that a hasty
Congress, regarding Smith alone as commander of
Fort Mifflin, failed to do justice to Thayer, thus
making it more imperatively the duty of history
to hold up his name as that of a brave man, a
skilful officer, and a true patriot.^
1 Varnum's Letter. Life of Olney, Chastelliix's Travels,
^ A sword was voted to Smith, Vol. I. p. 2(J0, &c., of English Trans-
who was fully entitled to it ; hut no lation, Gordon, Marshall, and Ram-
notice was taken of Thayer. say. Reed's Life of Reed, and Daw^-
My authorities for Red Bank and son's Battles of the United States.
Fort Mifflin are Ward's letter in The account in Lee's Memoirs can-
Sparks's Washington, Vol. V. p. 112, not be reconciled with those of Var-
Washlngton's Writings, Vol. V., num, Angell, and Knox, &e., or rather
Greene MSS., Varnum MSS., Var- his narrative is very inaccurate, unless
num's Letter to the Providence Ga- all the others are so. I have also
zette, and a letter of Colonel Angell, consulted the official letter in Almon's
republished, both of them, in Cow- Remembrancer, Vol. V., and tiie me-
ell's Spirit of 1776 in Rhode Island, moir of Major Thayer in E. M.
an important letter of Knox to Col- Stone's Invasion of Canada in 177.5,
onel Lamb, in Leake's Life of Lamb, — a valuable contribution to Ameri-
p. 192, Olney 's Narrative in William's can history.
CHAPTER XXIII.
Howe resolved to have the Left Bank of the Delaware. — Cornwallis
sent to secure it. — Greene sent to oppose him. — Reasons for
disliking the Service. — Conway's Letter to Gates. — Ought Red
Bank to be held ? — Greene on the ISIarch. — Letter to his Wife. —
Crosses the Delaware. —Letter to Varnum. — To Washington. —
Fort Mercer evacuated. — Greene's Prospects not bright. — Glover's
Bri<^ade. — Colonel Comstock. — Council at Head-quarters on at-
tacking Philadelphia. — Letters to and from Washington. — Greene
rejoins the main Army. — Contemporary Opinion of his Conduct. —
Marshall's Opinion.
SLOWLY but surely Sir William Howe was work-
ing out his plans. Fort Mifflin was won ; the
eastern channel was free ; but Fort Mercer still
stood with a perpetual menace upon the heights of
Red Bank. So long as those frowning batteries
looked down upon the ship-channel, there could be
no free passing up and down the sorely needed
river. This point, too, must be won, and won at all
hazards. Cornwallis, the ablest of the British gen-
erals, was chosen for the important task, and, cross-
ing the Delaware at Chester, on the 19th of
November, he joined at Billingsport another de-
tachment just arrived from New York, under Sir
Thomas Wilson, and came out with overwhelming
forces upon the rear of the little garrison.^
1 Howe's Letter in Almon's Remembrancer, Vol. V. p. 502.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 511
The possibility of such a movement had been
foreseen by Washington, who had kept Varnum at
Woodbery, in lower Jersey, with his brigade, and
such parties of the reluctant militia as he could
bring up to his assistance. But when Cornwallis
was sent, he too turned to his trusted and best,
and sent Greene to oppose him.
It was not a pleasant duty for Greene, for there
were many chances against his being able to look
his adversary in the face, and he knew what the
consequences of a failure would be.
" I am very sorry," he had just written to Henry Mar-
chant, " to find the public so illy informed with regard to
the operations here, both with respect to men and events.
We fight by main strength. It would give me pleasure if
some of your body were always with the army. It would
enable them to judge of men and measures, to reward
merit, and remedy evils. Private friendship often sounds
the trumpet of praise, and imposes upon the credulity and
good-nature of your board.-
" The successes to the northward have given great relief
to the Northern States ; but the American affairs are in a
most critical situation, owing to the universal dislike to
service. I think I never saw the army so near dissolving
since I have belonged to it. The officers cannot maintain
themselves, and, from the present temper prevailing in
general, determine to leave the service at the close of the
campaign.
" Military rank being conferred upon people of all orders
so lavishly has rendered its value of much less importance
than formerly. It was once considered a jewel of great
value, but it now begins to be held in light esteem." ^
1 Greene MSS. Greene to Henry Marchant. Camp near Philadelphia,
November 17, 1777.
V
012 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
It must not be forgotten that, only seven days
before these Knes were written, Washhigton had
written to Conway: —
" A letter which I received last night contained the
following paragraph : ' In a letter from General Conway
to General Gates, he says, Heaven has been determined
to save your country^ or a weak g-eneral and bad coun-
sellors laould have ruined it.^ " ^
The cabal was now at its height, startled, but
not discouraged by its sudden detection ; and
Greene knew that the first place among those
" bad counsellors " was assigned to him.
Still, it was not without some hope of " giving
an effectual check "^ to the enemy's forces in
Jersey, that he went forth to meet Cornwallis. St.
Clair, Knox, and De Kalb, who had been sent down
to examine the ground, were " all clear in their
opinion, that keeping possession of the Jersey
shore at or near Red Bank was of the last impor-
tance." ^ " Very much will depend upon keeping
possession of Fort Mercer," wrote Washington to
Varnura on the evening of the 19th,* "as, to reduce
it, the enemy will be obliged to put themselves in
a very disagreeable position to them, and advan-
tageous to us, upon a narrow neck of land between
two creeks with our force pressing upon their rear.
1 Sparks's Wasliington, Vol. V. p. cording to De Kiilb's report to the
139. Duke de Broglic, was to be mined,
2 Washington to Varnum, Novem- and on the enemy's advance blown
bcr 19. — Varnum MSS. up. — Kapp's De Kalb, p. 125. See
8 Sparks's Washington, Vol. V. p. also Reed's Reed, Vol. I. p. 339.
163. This must l)C understood of the * Varnum MSS.
shore rather than the fort, which, ac-
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 513
Therefore, desire Colonel Greene to hold it if pos-
sible till the relief arrives." Major Ward had just
been with him with a letter from the colonel,
giving a general account of the condition of the
fort, and referring him to Ward " for a more par-
ticular " one. " Thus, having given your Excel-
lency," says the last paragraph, " what appears to
me, with the unanimous voice of all the field-
officers of the garrison, a true state of our circum-
stances and observations thereon, I wait your
Excellency's particular commands and directions
for an invariable rule for me to pursue." ^ Wash-
ington knew what this meant, and how literally
the sturdy colonel would interpret his orders ; and
in closing his letter to Varnum he adds, " Although
I am anxious to have the fort kept, I do not mean
that it should be done, at all events, so as to en-
danger the safety of the men, without any prob-
ability of success."
Thus, for the purpose of the expedition, every-
thing depended upon coming up strong enough and
in time. On the morning of the 20th Greene
began his march ; in the evening he writes to his
wife from Forelanesend, near Bristol : —
" I am now on my march for Red Bank fort. Lord
Cornwallis crossed over into the Jerseys day before yester-
day, to invest that place with a large body of troops. I
am in hopes to have the pleasure to meet his Lordship.
This eccentric movement will lengthen out the campaign
for some weeks at least, and it is possible may transfer
1 Sparks's Correspondence of the Kevolution, Vol. II. p. 43.
33
514 LIFE OF NATILVNAEL GREENE. [1777.
the scat of \«^ar for the winter. The enemy are now get-
ting up their stores and fortifying the city of Philadelphia
as strong as possible. The weather begins to get severe,
and campaigning of it disagreeable, but necessity obliges
us to keep the field for some time I had a fall
from my horse some time ago, but have got entirely over
it, except a sprain in my wrist I lodge in a fine
country-house to-night. The Marquis of Fayette is in
company with me ; he has left a young wife, and a fine
fortune of fourteen thousand pounds sterling per annum,
to come and engage in the cause of liberty : this is a noble
enthusiasm. He is one of the sweetest-tempered young
gentlemen ; he purposes to visit Boston this winter ; if so,
you'll have an opportunity to see him Your
brother, I am told, behaved the hero the other day, in the
attack on Red Bank."
The next morning he crosses the Delaware in
advance of his troops, and at noon writes to
Varnum from Burlington : —
" I make no doubt you are acquainted with the march-
ing of the troops of my division to join you. I am at a
loss respecting your situation, the condition of Fort Mer-
cer, or the operations of the enemy in the Jerseys. A
'report prevails here this morning that Fort Mercer is
evacuated, and the fleet below burnt. You'll please to
inform me as to the truth of the reports, where you are,
where the enemy is, and where you think a junction of
our forces can be easiest formed ; and also, if you think
an attack can be made upon the enemy with a prospect
of success. General Glover's brigade is on the march to
join us, and Morgan's corps of rangers. General Hunt-
ington's brigade, I imagine, will be with you to-day."
" 1 am a stranger to all the lower part of Jersey," he adds,
in a postscript, " [which] makes me be particular."
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 515
At five, the express returns with Yarnum's
answer, and he immediately writes to Washing-
ton : —
" General Varnum this moment acquainted me that
Fort Mercer was evacuated last evening. Commodore
Hazlewood informs me also that the greater part, if not all
the fleet, except tlie thirteen galleys, were burnt this
morning ; one or two of the smallest vessels attempted to
pass the city, and could not effect it. One was set on fire,
and one other fell into the enemy's hands, owing to the
matches going out ; the people made their escape. My
division arrived on the other side of the river about ten
this morning, but the want of scows to get over the bag-
gage will prevent our marching till the morning ; the
greater part of the night, if not tlie whole, will be em-
ployed in getting over the baggage and artillery.
" General Varnum has retreated to Mount Holly. I
purpose to see him and General Huntington early in the
morning ; if it is practicable to make an attack upon the
enemy, it shall be done ; but I am afraid the enemy will
put it out of my power, as they can so easily make us take
such a circuitous march by taking up the bridge over Tim-
ber Creek. I cannot promise aiiything until I learn more
of the designs of the enemy, their strength, and the posi-
tion they are in. If it is possible to make an attack upon
them with a prospect of success, it shall be done. Colonel
Shrieve was with me this afternoon about turning out the
militia. I wish he may succeed, but from the temper of
the people there appears no great prospect. I have heard
nothing from General Glover's brigade. I hope Colonel
Morgan's corps of light troops will be on in the morning,
and Captain Lee's troop of light-horse.
" The fleet are greatly distressed at the reflections
thrown out against the officers ; the commodore thinks the
51G LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
officers arc greatly injured ; he asserts they did their duty
faithfully."
N. B. — "The commodore this moment informs me
there is three sloops and a brig past safe by the city."
Thus the chief purpose of the expedition was
already lost the very day that it began. Cornwallis
was too strong, had too much the start of him, had
been too near his object at starting. Still Chris-
topher Greene would have held out longer.
" I shall follow your directions, either to evacu-
ate or defend the fort," he said to the generals who
had been sent to consult with him, and who ad-
vised an evacuation. '* I know what we have done
when the works were* not half completed. Now
thev are finished, and I am not afraid." ^
Greene's prospect of success was not bright.
He had heard nothing yet of Glover's brigade,
without which his inferiority to Cornwallis was too
sreat to iustifv him in cominii; within striking;
distance of the British general. Lee's light-horse,
on which he depended for information of the
enemy's movements, had not yet arrived. Yet
there was a second object even after the loss of
the fort. It was important to show that the coun-
try would not be given up to the enemy without
an effort. The people must still see their own
1 This is Gordon's statement, Vol. generally well informed, and, though
III. p. 9, wliifh I follow with some he sometimes mistakes, seldom if ever
hesitation, as it cannot easily he rec- invents, I suppose him here to have
onciled with St. Clair's, Knox's and confounded the mission of St. Clair,
Dc Kalh's report (Washington, Vol. Knox, and De Kulb with advice given
V. p. 163), or with Greene's letter by Varnum and Huntington after
qaoted above. But as Gordon was their departure.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 517
flag somewhere amongst them, must still feel that
Congress and Washington had not forgotten them.
If, besides this, a successful blow could be struck,
either at a part or the wdiole of the enemy's force,
it would be wdse to strike it; but it was no time
for great hazards.
" I came to this place yesterday morning," Greene
writes to Washington from Mount Holly on the 23d.
" Tlie difficulty of crossing the baggage over the river pre-
vented its coming up last night. The boats and scows at
Burlington are under very bad regulations. General
Varnuni had retreated, as I wrote your Excellency before,
to this place. He left a party of militia at Haddonfield.
I am afraid there has a very considerable quantity of
stores fallen into the enemy's hands, but principally be-
longing to the fleet. The enemy and the militia had a
small skirmish at Little Timber Creek Bridge ; the enemy
crossed there in the afternoon and encamped. They say
they are going to take post at Haddonfield, to cover the
lower counties, and open a market from thence. Those
counties are some of the most fertile in the State, from
whence great quantities of provision can be drawn. A
large number of boats went up to Philadelphia from the
shipping yesterday morning ; there are some soldiers on
board of them.
" Colonel Morgan's corps of light infantry advanced this
morning for Haddonfield. If the troops can be got in
readiness, I intend to put the whole in motion this after-
noon. We are greatly distressed for want of a party of
light-horse.
" I must beg your Excellency to forward some as soon
as possible.
" I have nothing from Glover's brigade ; I sent an ex-
518 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
press to the commanding oflficcr yesterday, but, from the
present situation of things, I believe it will be best not to
wait their coming up.
" Every piece of intelligence necessary for my informa-
tion, with regard to the movements of the enemy in the city,
I must entreat your Excellency to forward to me by express.
" Colonel Shrieve will attempt to turn out tlie militia,
but th.e Commissary's department is in such a bad situa-
tion, and the people so unwilling to furnish supplies, that
it will be difficult to subsist a large body.
" A considerable body of light-horse would be very
serviceable here.
" Your Excellency's letter of the 22d instant is just
come to hand ; you have in this all the intelligence 1 have
received."
Here again we have a jDroof of the intimacy of
Washington's intercourse with Greene. When they
are together in camp, it is a personal intercourse ;
the moment they are separated, it takes the form
of long and frequent letters. " Keceived and an-
swered the same day," is Washington's indorse-
ment upon this last letter, a frequent indorsement
upon the letters of both, for both equally felt the
necessity of leaning upon each other. For Wash-
ington, Greene was the man of sound judgment
and '• singular abilities " ; for Greene, Washington
was the great and good man, whom God had given
us for a leader in a holy war, just as, in the sore
need of his chosen people, he had raised up great
men to guide and rescue them. In studying
Greene's character, we should err greatly if we
were to let his firm, direct, common-sense way of
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 519
dealino; with men and estimatins; motives deceive
US as to the influence of his affectionate heart and
rehgious convictions.
" I have nothing new to communicate to your Excel-
lency with respect to the motions of the enemy," begins
his letter of the 24th. " They remain, or did last niglit, at
Woodbury, with a guard at Timber Creek, consisting
of about six hundred men. The boats that went up,
mentioned in my former letters, I conjecture had on board
the baggage of the army ; the soldiers seen on board were
the regimental guard to the baggage.
" The militia of this State is dwindling to nothing.
General Variuim says there were upwards of fourteen
hundred a few days since ; they are reduced now to be-
tween seven and eight. Colonel Shrieve is gone out to see
what impression he can make upon the people, and to en-
deavor to draw together as large a number as possible, but
I cannot flatter myself with any considerable reinforce-
ment. I will endeavor to enclose your Excellency a return
of our strength in continentals and militia this afternoon
if possible. We are all ready to advance, but the general
officers think it advisable to wait the return of the first
express sent to Glover's brigade, to learn the strength and
time the junction may be formed with that brigade. I
have heard nothing where it is, notwithstanding I have
sent three expresses. Captain Lee is not arrived, neither
have I heard anything of him. I would wish, if possible,
some horse might be sent, as every army is an unwieldy
body withovU them ; in this country they are more im-
mediately necessary to prevent the enemy from sending
out theirs to collect stock.
" Colonel Cox, who is with me at this place, says, if the
enemy can open a communication with the three lower
counties, they will be able, independent of all the sur-
520 LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. [1777.
rounding country, to draw supplies of every kind neces;
sary for the s\ibsistence of the array, and inliabitants of the
city of Pliiladclpliia.
" Your Excellency observes in your last, you must
leave the propriety of attacking the enemy to me ; would
you advise me to figlit them with very unequal numbers ?
Most people, indeed all, agree they are near or quite five
thousand strong ; our force is upwards of three, exclusive
of the rnilitia, which may be from seven to eight hundred
at most. The situation the enemy are in, the ease with
which they can receive reinforcements, and the difficulty
of our knowing it, will render it absolutely necessary,
when we advance from this place, to make the attack
as soon as possible. I had much rather engage with
three thousand against five than attack the enemy's lines,
and there is a much greater prospect of succeeding, but
still I cannot promise myself victory, nor even a prospect
of it, with inferior numbers.
" I have seen of late the difficulty your Excellency
seemed to labor under, to satisfy the expectations of an
ignorant populace, with great concern. It is our mis-
fortune to have an extent of country to cover that demands
four times our numbers ; the enemy so situated as to be
very difficult to approach, and, from pretty good authority,
superior to us in numbers. Under these disadvantages
your Excellency has the choice of but two things, — to fight
the enemy without the least prospect of success, upon the
common principles of war, or to remain inactive, and be sub- '
ject to the censure of an ignorant and impatient populace.
In doing one, you may make a bad matter worse, and take a
measure that, if it proves unfortunate, you may stand con-
demned for by all military gentlemen of experience ; in
pursuing tlie other, you have the approbation of your own
mind, you give your country an opportunity to exert itself
to supply the present deficiency, and also act upon such
1777.] . ■ LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 521
military principles as will justify you to the best judges in
the present day, and to all future generations. For my
own part, I feel censure with as great a degree of sensi-
bility as is possible, and I feel ambitious to do everything
that common sense can justify ; but I am fully persuaded
in attempting more you may make a temporary a lasting
evil. The cause is too important to be trifled with to show
our courage, and your cliaracter too deeply interested to
sport away upon unmilitary principles.
" For your sake, for my own sake, and for my country's
sake, I wish to attempt everything which will meet your
Excellency's approbation. I will run any risk or engage
under any disadvantages, if I can only have your coun-
tenance, if unfortunate. With the public, I know success
sanctifies everything, and that only.
" I cannot help thinking, from the most dispassionate
survey of the operations of the campaign, that you stand
approved by reason and justified by every military princi-
ple. With respect to my own conduct I have ever given
my opinion with candor, and to my utmost executed with
fidelity whatever was committed to my charge. In some
instances we have been unfortunate. In one I thought I
felt the lower of your Excellency's countenance, when
I am sure I had no reason to expect it. It is out
of my power to command success, but I trust I
have ever endeavored to deserve it. It is mortifying
enough to be a common sharer in misfortunes, but to be
punished as the author, without deserving it, is truly
afflicting.
" Your Excellency's letter of the 22d, but I suppose it
was of yesterday, this moment came to hand. As I have
wrote so fully on the subject, I have nothing to add, only
that to advance from this place before Glover's brigade
joins us, unless we attack the enemy without them, will
rather injure them than facilitate our designs. But if your
522 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. • - [1777.
Excellency wishes the attack to be made immediately, give
me only your countenance, and, notwithstanding it is con-
trary to the opinion of the general officers here, I will take
the consequences upon myself.
" Enclosed is a copy of a letter from Colonel Ellis, at
Haddonfield.
" The hospitals in the Jerseys are greatly complained of.
Tiiey prove a grave for many of the poor soldiery ; prin-
cipally owing to the negligence of the surgeons who have
the care of the hospitals. How far these complaints are
well grounded I cannot pretend to say, but would beg
leave to recommend the sending of a good trusty officer to
inspect the management of the hospitals, and to remain
there until regularly relieved."
This was not very hopeful, but at half past three
came Burnet with tidings of Glover's brigade.
"They will be at the block-house to-night, eight
miles from this place," Greene adds in a postscript
to Washington, and begins to hope he may yet
have a chance to meet Cornwallis,
In the Jersey militia there was a Colonel Adam
Comstock, who, unlike many of his comrades, longed
for a brush with the enemy. " 0, how I want to
give them a flogging before they leave the Jer-
seys ! " he says in one of his letters to Greene ; ^ and
under his inspiration the militia made several at-
tacks upon the enemy's pickets and took several
prisoners. He was upon the lookout for infor-
mation al.^0, and skilful in his devices for ob-
taining it.
" This moment," he writes to Greene from Haddonfield
1 Greene MSS.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 523
at half past twelve on the 25th, " I arrived from a recon-
noitring tour near Little Timber Creek Bridge ; sent a
smart young woman, who had a sister in Gloucester, as a
spy to Gloucester. She has returned, and I believe has re-
ceived no other damage than a kiss from the Hessian gen-
eral, — this is as she says. She reports that a very large
number of British and Hessian troops are in Gloucester ;
that they are embarking in boats and going to Philadel-
phia ; and that her sister there informed her they liad
been embarking ever since early in the morning. That
Lord Cornwallis quartered at Colonel Ellis's house, and
the Hessian general at a house opposite, who asked the
young woman where the rebels were. She answered she
could not tell, she had seen none of them. She said she
passed many sentries before she came to Little Timber
Creek Bridge, where she passed the last.
" I doubt not this information. I fear they will be too
quick for us. Colonel Hart's regiment is here."
Greene instantly wrote to Washington : —
" This moment (four o'clock) received intelligence
the enemy are embarking from Gloucester and crossing
to Philadelphia, Colonel Comstock sends this intel-
ligence, and says it may be depended upon. I have
ordered General Varnum's and General Huntington's
brigades to advance immediately, to fall upon the
enemy's rear, and prevent their getting off their stock.
I wait your Excellency's orders to march where you
may think advisable. Colonel Shepard got into camp
about noon ; the whole body of the troops will be
ready to move at a moment's warning. The rifle corps,
and about six hundred militia, are upon the enemy's
flanks.
" A detachment from Captain Lee's horse took nine
524
LIFE OF NATII.L\.\EL GREENE,
[1777.
prisoners yesterday, — the first account I ever had of
their being in this quarter."
At three Comstock writes again : —
" Seven prisoners just arrived here from the enemy,
taken by the militia about three miles from this place on
the road to Gloucester. The prisoners I have examined ;
two of them are gunners, and two matrosses, belonging
to the first regiment of artillery ; the other three belong
to the thirty-third regiment; they were about half a
mile from their picket plundering. Those belonging to
the artillery had three of the artillery horses with them,
marked G, which are also taken. This express rides
one of them. The prisoners, on examination, say the
main body lies about four miles from this on the Glouces-
ter road encamped ; that their line forms a triangle ;
that they are to wait there till they have embarked all
the stock for Philadelphia, which will take 'em all day ;
that the army expect to embark to-morrow, and go into
winter quarters ; that they have two six-pounders in
front, two ditto in the rear, and some smaller in the cen-
tre ; that they were not in the least apprehensive of any of
the American army being within miles of them ; other-
wise, they should not have been taken in the manner
they were. This moment some Hessian prisoners arrived
here, taken in the same manner. I have not examined
them. I could wish your army was here now, for I
think they may be surprised very easily ; they gave
various accounts of their number, from five to eight
thousand. They mostly agree that Billings Fort and
Fort Mercer are levelled. 0, how I want to give them
a flogging before they leave the Jerseys ! "
Meanwhile, a new question had arisen at head-
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 525
quarters. "Washington had reconnoitred the
enemy's works ; and Stirhng, Wayne, Scott, and
Woodford were eager for an attack upon Phil-
adelphia. " The enemy's force is weakened," they
said, " by the absence of Cornwallis ; and, if we
bring three columns suddenly against their north
line, and enfilade their works from the hills on the
other side of the Schuylkill, while Greene, embark-
ing two thousand men at Dunk's Ferry, enters the
city at Spruce Street, secures the bridge over the
Schuylkill, and takes the lines in the rear, we shall
surely succeed." On the evening of the 24th the
council met to discuss the question. The discus-
sion was protracted and warm. There can be little
doubt to which side Washington's sound judgment
led him ; for, not only were the British works very
strong, but Greene's co-operation depended upon so
manj^ contingencies, as to make it extremely doubt-
ful whether it would be possible for him to reach the
city in season, if he reached it at all. Still, public
opinion called so loudly for an attack, and civilians
w^ere so clamorous, that he thought it wise to
strengthen himself by a more solemn expression of
the opinions of his officers. Therefore, when the
council broke up, they were directed to give their
opinions the next morning in writing ; and an ex-
press was sent off to Greene in the night for his.
On comparing them, eleven were found against
it, and four only in its favor. Amongst those
who opposed it were Greene, Sullivan, Knox, De
526 LU'E OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
Kail), Dii Portail, the best and most experienced
officers in the ariny.^
But when Greene wrote to Washington from
Mount Holly, at midnight of the 25th, he did not
know what the decision would be.
" I wrote your Excellency this afternoon," he says,
" that the enemy were crossing from the Jerseys to Phil-
adclpliia, an.d that the intelligence came from Colonel
Comstock. lie is stationed at Iladdonfield to collect
intelligence.
" I have received two letters from the Colonel to-day,
the first dated at twelve o'clock, the last at three, both of
which I have enclosed. It appears to me the enemy are
crossing their cattle ; but I much doubt whether any
part of their troops have crossed the river ; perhaps they
may begin in the morning. I am divided in my mind
how to act. If your Excellency intends an attack on
Philadelpliia, our moving down to Haddonfield will pre-
vent our co-operating with you ; but if the enemy are
crossing, the attack upon the city would not be warrant-
able now, if before, witliout our whole collective force at
least; and as part is below and part here, I wish to move
forward for the support of the troops below, and attack
the enemy if practicable.
" I expected before this to have received your Ex-
cellency's further orders ; but as I iiavc not, and from
the intelligence tliere appears a prospect of attempting
something here, I have ventured to put the troops in
motion. If I sliould receive orders to the contrary, I can
speedily return. If the enemy cross to the city, tlicy may
' Sjwrks's Wasliin;;f()n,Vol.V. pp. riiiladolpliia, was apaiiist tliis dan-
167, ICH. Diicr's Life of Lord 8tir- gcrous attempt. For a judicious cx-
ling, pp. 177, 178. Kecd, anxious ns amination of the question see Mar-
he was to sec Howe driven from shall, Vol. I. pp. 181, 182.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 527
be attacked at any time hereafter as well as now. If
they have not crossed, and are in a situation to be
attacked, I slrall have an opportunity to attempt some-
thing. I am anxious to do everything in my power; and
more especially as the people seem to be dissatisfied at
the evacuation of Red Bank Fort."
It was not till afternoon of the next day, the
26th, that the new orders reached him.
" Your Excellency's letter of the 25th reached me at
this place," he writes to Washington from Haddonfield,
" at four. I halted the troops on the receipt of it, those
that had not got into the town. General Varnum's and
Huntington's brigades got to this place before the letter
came to iiand. I am sorry our march will prove a fruit-
less one ; the enemy have drawn themselves down upon
the peninsula of Gloucester ; tlie ships are drawn up to
cover the troops, there is but one road that leads down to
the point, on each side the ground is swampy and full of
thick underbrush, that makes the approaches impracti-
cable almost ; these difficulties might have been sur-
mounted, but we could reap no advantage from it, the
shipping being so posted as to cover the troops, and this
country is so intersected with creeks, that approaclies are
rendered extremely difficult, and retreat very dangerous.
I should not have halted the troops, but all the general
officers were against making an attack, the enemy being
so securely situated and so effectually covered by their
shipping.
" We have a fine body of troops, and in fine spirits,
and every one appears to wish to come to action. I pro-
posed to the gentlemen drawing up in front of the
enemy, and to attack their picket, and to endeavor to
draw them out, but they were all against it from the
improbability of the enemy's coming out. Tlie Marquis,
528 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
witli about four hundred militia and the rifle corps,
attacked the enemy's picket last evening, killed about
twenty and wounded as many more, and took about
twenty prisoners. The Marquis is charmed with the
spirited behavior of the militia and rifle corps ; they drove
the enemy above half a mile, and kept the ground until
dark. Tlie enemy's picket consisted of about three hun-
dred, and were reinforced during the skirmish. The
Marquis is determined to be in the way of danger.^
" From the best observations I am able to make, and
from the best intelligence I can obtain, it is uncertain
whether any of the enemy have crossed tlie river ; the
boats arc constantly going, but I believe they are trans-
porting stock ; there are as many men in the returning
boats as goes over; by to-morrow it will be reduced to
a certainty. I believe the enemy have removed the great
die vaux-de-f rise ; there went up sixty sail of vessels this
morning. If tlie obstructions are removed in the river,
it accounts for the enemy's evacuating Carpenter's and
Province Islands, as they are no longer necessary. The
prisoners say the enemy are going into winter quarters as
soon as they get up the river.
" Enclosed is our order of battle with a plate agreeing
to tiie order.
•' I propose to leave General Yarnum's brigade and the
rifle corps at this place for a few days, especially the rifle-
men, who cover the country very much. General Var-
nuni's brigade will return to Mount Holly to-morrow or
next day. I will make further inquiry respecting the
h()s])itals, and give such directions as appear necessary..
My division, Huntington's and Glover's brigades, will pro-
ceed with all despatch to join your Excellency. I could
wish the enemy might leave the Jerseys before us."
' Sec also Lafayette Memoirs, &c., Vol. I. p. 33.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 529
By this time Washington had received Greene's
letter of the 24th. Its manly sympathy touched
his heart ; and he immediately replied in his own
hand, subscribing himself, as he seldom does to any
one, " With sincere regard and affection " : —
" My letter of yesternight (wrote after I returned from
a view of the enemy's lines from the other side Schuylkill)
I must refer to. Our situation, as you justly observe, is
distressing from a variety of irremediable causes, but more
especially from the impracticability of answering the ex-
pectations of the world without running hazards which no
military principles can justify, and which, in case of fail-
ure, might prove the ruin of our cause ; patience, and a
steady perseverance in such measures as appear warranted
by sound reason and policy, must support us under the
censure of the one, and dictate a proper line of conduct for
the attainment of the other ; that is the great object in
view. This, as it ever has, will, I think, ever remain the
first wish of my heart, however I may mistake the means
of accomplishment ; that your views are the same, and
that your endeavors have pointed to the same end, I am
perfectly satisfied of, although you seem to have imbibed
a suspicion which I never entertained.
" I can foresee inconveniences, I can foresee losses, and
I dare say I may add that I can foresee much dissatisfac-
tion that will arise from the withdrawing the Continental
troops from the Jerseys. But how is it to be avoided ? We
cannot be divided when the enemy are collected. The
evils which I apprehended from throwing troops into the
Jerseys now stare me more forcibly in the face, and a
day or two, if you cannot join us in that time, may realize
them ; for my mind scarce entertains a doubt but that
General Howe is collecting his whole force with a view of
pushing at this army. This, especially under the informa-
34
530 LIFE OF NATILVNAEL GREENE. [1777.
tion joii have received of Lord Cornwallis's recrossing the
Delaware, induces me to press despatch upon you, that our
junction may be formed as speedily as possible, and the
consequences of a division avoided.
" The current sentiment, as far as I can collect it, is
in favor of our taking post the other side Schuylkill ; in
this case the Jerseys will be left totally uncovered ; conse-
quently all the craft in the river, with their rigging, guns,
&c. ; t!io hospitals on that side of the river, the maga-
zines of provisions which the commissaries are about es-
tablishing in the upper part of Jersey, &c. Think,
therefore, I beseech you, of all these things, and prepare
yourself by reflection and observation (being on the spot)
to give me your advice on these several matters. The
boats (those belonging to the public, and built for the pur-
pose of transporting troops, &c. across the river) ought in
my judgment to be removed, as soon as they have served
your present calls, up to Coryell's Ferry at least, if not
higher. I am almost inclined to think (if we should cross
the Schuylkill) that they ought to be carted over also.
" It has been proposed that some of the galleys should
fall down to or near the mouth of Frankfort Creek, in
order to prevent troops from coming up by water, and fall-
ing in the rear of our pickets near the enemy's lines ; will
you discuss with the Commodore on this subject ? Will
you also ask what is become of the hands that were on
board the vessels which were burnt ? " ^
Washington's letter found Greene at Mount
Holly, on his march back to camp.
" Your favor of yesterday," he writes on the 27th, " I
received last night about twelve o'clock. The greater
part of the troops returned to this place last night, and
Greene MSS.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 531
marched early this morning to cross the Delaware. I
stayed at Haddonfield myself, with General McDougal's
division, to give the necessary orders to the militia. I
have left the rifle corps at Haddonfield, and Captain Lee's
troop of light-horse, to encourage the militia and awe the
enemy, — to prevent their coming out in small parties.
Colonel Olney had orders to make an attack upon their
picket this morning, but they drew them in so close to
their main body, and there being but one road, he could
not effect it ; their picket consisted of about three hun-
dred men. I am much afraid the withdrawing of the
troops will greatly alarm the country. Any position below
this with any considerable force would be very dangerous ;
the country is exceedingly intersected with creeks, and
lies so contiguous to Philadelphia. I think any body of
troops may be surprised from the city at Haddonfield in
five hours, and at almost any place in its neighborhood.
" The hospitals will be in some danger at Burlington,
Bordentown, and Princetown, if all the troops are with-
drawn from this State ; but if the sick were ordered to be
immediately removed, it would still increase the alarm in
the country, for which reason I would risk what are there
at present, and order the Director-General not to send
any more there.
" I shall set out immediately for Burlington. I have
given Lieutenant-Colonel Abeel orders to procure wag-
ons and send off all the spare ammunition to Hunting-
ton, the heavy cannon to Bordentown. At my arrival at
Burlington, I will inquire of the Commodore respecting
the matters by you directed.
" General McDougal's division will quarter here to-
night, and march at five in the morning for Burlington.
I think there are as many troops gone forward as will be
able to get over to-day. I shall push on the troops as fast
as possible without injuring their health. I sent forward
532 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1777.
one of my aids to Eurlingtoii early this morning, to super-
intend the eni'oarkation of the troops and baggage."
Next morning he writes from Burlington at nine
o'clock : —
" Three brigades are now on the march for head-
quarters,— my division and General Glover's brigade.
General McDongal's division is not yet come to town.
They had orders to march at four this morning, and
I was in hopes they would have been in town by the
time Glover's brigade got over the river. I am afraid the
want of provision has detained them this morning.
" It is with the utmost difficulty we can get bread to
eat. The commissary of purchases of flour is very ill
managed ; there is no magazine of consequence, and the
army served from hand to mouth. The baggage cannot
be got over by to-morrow night.
" Mr. Tench Francis, an uncle of Colonel Tilghman,
was brought to me a prisoner this morning ; he was taken
at Gloucester. He says Lord Cornwallis's detachment
consisted of about six thousand ; that none embarked yes-
terday ; he also adds that the reinforcement consisted of
about twenty-five hundred from New York.
" General Howe designs to make an immediate attack
upon the army, unless the weather is bad. This is the
general conversation of the officers of all ranks. Mr.
Francis says he thinks the enemy design to burn and de-
stroy wherever they go.^
" Germantown is devoted to destruction. The enemy
plundered everybody within their reach, and almost of
everything they had. It is the common conversation
among the officers of all ranks, that they design to divide
our land as soon as the country is conquered.
1 This proved too true. — See Reed's Life of President Reed.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 533
" The obstinate resistance, they say, made at Mud
Island has broke the campaign."
Again Washington replies immediately : —
" Captain Diiplessis has just delivered me yours of this
morning from Burlington. Every account from Philadel-
phia confirms the repoi't that the enemy mean to make a
speedy move. I shall not be disappointed if they come
out this night or very early in the morning. You will
therefore push forward the rear brigades with all possible
expedition, and the moment the troops and baggage have
all passed, let the boats be instantly sent up the river to
Coryell's Ferry ; for one part of my information is that
the enemy are preparing to send boats up the Delaware,
and it cannot be for any other purpose than to destroy
the remainder of our water-craft. I shall be glad that
you would come on immediately upon the receipt of this,
and send word back to the brigadiers to hasten tlieir
march.
" 1
And thus ended Greene's week in the Jerseys.
" If an attack can be made on Lord Cornwallis with
a prospect of success, I am persuaded it will be
done," wrote Washington to the President of Con-
gress on the 23d.^ " General Greene has not been
in sufficient force to see Cornwallis in the field," ^
wrote Reed to the President of Pennsylvania on
the 30th. And on the same day Cadwallader wrote
Eeed from head-quarters, " Greene and the detach-
ment from New Jersey are all arrived in camp."
.... Greene had intended to attack Cornwallis,
1 See Sparks's Washington, Vol. 2 11,;^^ p 157.
V. p. 174. 3 Life of Reed, Vol. I. p. 341.
534 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
and had made his disposition, but prudently declined
it. The attempt in my opinion was dangerous, as
two or three thousand men could have been thrown
in his rear, or a reinforcement sent over to Glou-
cester in the night without notice." ^ Such were
the contemporary judgments of his conduct ;
and when all the feelings of the day were passed,
Marshall, with Washington's papers before him,
wrote : —
" Washington still hoped to recover much of what had
been lost. A victory would restore the Jersey shore, and
this object was deemed so important tbat General Greene's
instructions indicated the expectation that he would be in
a condition to fight Lord Cornwallis.
" That judicious officer feared the reproach of avoiding
an action less than the just censure of sacrificing the real
interests of his country by engaging the enemy on disad-
vantageous terms." ^
The expectations of an attack were well founded.
On the 4th, the British general came out with all
his strength and took post on Chestnut Hill, in front
of the right wing of the Americans. On the 11th,
Washington, with a touch of humor not unfrequent
in his letters, wrote Governor Livingston of New
Jersey : —
" General Howe, after making great preparations and
threatening to drive us beyond the mountains, came out
with his whole force last Thursday evening, and after
manoeuvring round us till the Monday following, de-
camped very hastily, and marched back to Pliiladel-
phia."3
1 Life of Reed, Vol. I. p. 349. » Sparks's Washington, Vol. V. p. 182.
2 Marshall, Vol. I. p. 180.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 635
There was still another reason for Washington's
hastening call to Greene. The season was far ad-
vanced, the weather was cold, the troops were
sufferino- for want of clothino; and shelter, the
enemy were already in good winter quarters ; but
where should the Americans take up theirs ? The
general sentiment was in favor of a line from Lan-
caster to Readino;. Greene, with Cadwallader and
a few others, thought Wilmington a better position.
At last, after much discussion, and principally upon
the opinions of the gentlemen from Pennsylvania,
Washington decided upon Valley Forge. " Accord-
ing to the original plan," writes Reed to President
Wharton, " a brigade of Continental troojDS was to
be left with the militia on this side Schuylkill, and
(this pkm), which when I wrote I thought was ap-
proved of by his Excellency, has upon other advice
been totally changed. General Greene, Cadwalla-
der, and myself had fixed upon this plan as the
most eligible to quiet the minds of the people and
cover the country." ^
1 Life, Vol. L pp. 353, 354.
CHAPTER XXIV.
Winter March to Valley Forge. — The Valley. — Hut Building.—
The Encampment. — Position condemned by De Kalb and Varnum.
— Alarm from the Enemy. — Distress of the Army for Food. —
Letters. — Discontent. — Congressional Committee. — Greene sent
to collect Supplies. — Letters to Washington.
"YIT INTER had set in with more than its wonted
* ' severity. The ground was frozen hard, the
rivers would soon be frozen also, and snow come
to block up the roads and collect in chilling drifts
around the tents. Few of the men had blankets,
fewer still whole clothes ; many had but half a
shirt, some none at all ; still more were without
shoes or covering of any kind to their feet ; num-
bers were compelled to sit up all night by their
watch-fires to keep themselves from freezing. The
Quartermaster-General had not been near the army
since July ; the commissaries, in spite of Washing-
ton's positive commands, were constantly behind-
hand with their supplies of food; ^ the hospitals
were full ; the graveyards filling daily. There
were but eleven thousand and ninety-eight men in
the ^vllole anny, and of these two thousand eight
hundred and ninety-eight were unfit for duty. In
1 Sparks's Washington, Vol. V. p. 158.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 537
nineteen days, from the 4th to the 23d of Decem-
ber, the ranks "decreased near two thousand
men." -^
With these the winter march from Whitemarsh
to Valley Forge began ; happily not a long one,
for it was tracked all the way with blood from the
soldiers' bare feet.^ A storm held them at Gulph
Mills through the 17th. They remained there the
18th also, to keep with becoming solemnity the
Thanksgiving which Congress had ordered;'^ and
on the 19th they reached the humble valley w^hich
their sufferings and endurance have made im-
mortal.
It is a " deep, short " valley on the west bank of
the Schuylkill, about twenty miles from Philadel-
phia,* forming " the first step of the hills that
reach to North Mountain or the Blue Ridge," ° and
just within the circle of operations of the last few
weeks. A small creek runs through the upper
part of it, turning the wheels of a cotton-factory
now, as then it set in motion the trip-hammer
of Isaac Potts's forge, from which the valley took
its name. The hills that surrounded it were cov-
ered with trees ; and the whole region was rich in
iron ore. The creek and forge may have re-
minded Greene of his own forge at Coventry,
1 All of these facts are drawn from * Gordon says about sixteen, Vol.
Washington's Letters, chiefly Vol. V. III. p. 11. Washington, about twen-
December and January, 1777-78. ty. Vol. V.
2 Gordon, Vol. III. p. 12, on 5 j^ee. Memoirs of the War in
Washington's authority. the Southern Department, Vol. I. p.
^ Kapp, Kalb's Leben, p. 127. 47.
538 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1777.
uliich also stood on the banks of a pretty stream,
Mitli a wooded hill sloping down to the water's
edge. But sad anticipations must have come over
him as he looked ovit upon the desolate land-
scape, and thought how hard it would be to pro-
vide daily food for the well and suitable diet for
the sick.
Shelter was easier to find ; and soon the men
were spreading over the hillsides and through the
woods in regular " parties of twelve," cutting down
the trees, lopping off the branches, measuring the
logs, and, as fast as they were ready, rolling them
to the spot marked out for each hut by a super-
intendent chosen from the field-officers of each
brigade. Lucky was the regiment which had most
carpenters or woodchoppers in it, and surest to win
the twelve dollars' " reward " that Washington had
offered "the party in each which finished its hut
ill the quickest and most workmanlike manner." ^
From morning till night, all through the short
winter day, the sound of busy axes was heard in
the keen air, mingling with the crash of falling
trees and the voices of men ; while up and down
through the whole space went the brigade in-
spectors and regimental inspectors, issuing their
orders in the sharp, decided tone of military com-
mand, and making sure that each hut was set in
the ])roper line, and built in the proper proportions.
And suddenly uprose to the music of these min-
' Order of the Day, rJeccmbcr 18, the huts. — Washington, Vol. V. p.
which contains full specifications for 524.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 539
gled sounds a little town of huts, with its regular
streets and avenues ; each hut fourteen feet by six-
teen, with roof and doors of split oak slabs, with
log sides six feet and a half high, made tight with
clay, and a chimney of clay and wood rising a foot
or two above the roof, — the roof itself a single
sharp slope that would shed easily the coming
snow. The one door and one window opened upon
the street, and the fireplace stood opposite the
door.^ On a line in the rear of the huts of the
men were the huts of the officers, larger somewhat,
and with two windows. Each general officer had
a hut for himself, and another for his staff; each
regiment one for its field-officers, and one for the
regimental stafi"; every two companies one for its
commissioned officers, and one for every twelve
non-commissioned officers and privates. Troops
from the same State were lodged in the same
street or in the same quarter. In shape the whole
resembled a triangle, with Valley Creek forming
its irregular base, and the Schuylkill for its left
side ; or, perhaps, rather a protracted oval, with the
hills and woods curving towards each other with
a gradual inclination, and abatis, redoubts, and
pickets at different points, showing that it was a
camp as well as a town. \Yashington's quarters
were in the angle formed by the junction of the
river and creek, in the house of a Quaker, Isaac
Potts, which is still standing ; Greene's, in a hut.
1 Washington's Order of the Day, December IS, and a manuscript draw-
ing in the Vamum Papers.
540 LIFE OF NATH.\NAEL GREENE. [1777.
It was not without serious misgivings and grave
discontent that some of the officers looked upon
their winter quarters. "None but an interested
speculator or an ill-wi-^her of the General's," writes
De Kalb, " can have suggested to him the idea of
wintering in this wilderness."^ Instead of a camp to
rest in, while new recruits were brought forward,
and preparations made for taking the field in spring,
he looked forward to a hard winter campaign.
" Who knows but what we shall meet with a mis-
fortune this whiter ? " ^ '• It is unparalleled in the
history of man," writes Varnum in February, '' to
establish winter quarters in a country wasted, and
without a sino:le magazine." ^ How far Greene
shared in these gloomy anticipations, there is noth-
ing in his letters to show ; but it may safely be
assumed that, on this as on every other occasion,
having expressed his own opinion frankly, he acted
cordially and earnestly in carrying out the decision
of the Commander-in-chief
The day of trial was close at hand. On the after-
noon of the 22d intelligence came that a strong
foraging party of the enemy was " advancing to-
wards Derby." Orders were immediately issued for
the troops to hold themselves in readiness to march
against it.
" When, behold," writes Washington, " to my great
mortification, I was not only informed, but convinced, that
1 Kapp's De Kalb, p. 129. in Sparks's Washington, Vol. V. p.
' l^'i sup. 240, but not among the Greene or
' Letter to General Greene, quoted Varnum Papers.
1777.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 541
the men were unable to stir on account of provision, and
that a dangerous mutiny begun the night before, and
which with difficulty was suppressed by the spirited exer-
tions of some officers, was still much to be apprehended
for want of this article. This brought forth the only
commissary in the purchasing line in tliis camp ; and
with him this melancholy and alarming truth, that he had
not a single hoof of any kind to slaughter, and not more
than twenty-five barrels of flour ! From hence form an
opinion of our situation when I add, that he could not tell
when to expect any." ^
But what if Howe himself should come out again ?
Shall we go and meet him on his own ground, when
we once let him come within a mile of us without
attacking him ? " The attempt will be exceeding
hazardous and the success doubtful," said most of
the general officers whom Sullivan consulted by
Washington's directions. But for himself, he said,
" I am so weary of the infernal clamor of the Penn-
sylvanians, that I am for satisfying them at all
events, and risking every consequence in an ac-
tion. Possibly we may be successful ; if not, they
may be satisfied ; and even Congress itself may
gain experience, and learn to censure with
more caution." ^
The alarm from the enemy passed, but the more
serious anxiety caused by the just discontent of
officers and men w^as not so easily removed.
" It gives me the greatest pain," writes Greene to
Washington on tlie 1st of January, " to hear the mur-
1 Sparks's Washington, Vol. V. p. ^ gparks's Correspondence of the
197. Eevolution, Vol. II. p. 63.
\ .
\
542 LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. [1777.
murs and complaints among the officers for tlie want of
spirits. They say they are exposed to the severity of the
weather, sultject to hard duty, and nothing but bread and
beef to eat morning, noon, and night, without vegetables,
or anything to drink but. cold water ; this is hard fare for
people that have been accustomed to live tolerably.
" The officers observe, however disagreeable their situ-
ation, they would patiently submit to their hard fortune, if
the evil in its own nature was incurable ; but they think
by proper exertions spirits may be procured to alleviate
their distress until they have an opportunity to provide
for themselves.
" Lord Stirling was mentioning yesterday that he had
made a discovery of a considerable quantity of spirits,
sufficient to supply all the officers. Supposing his Lord-
siiip's information to be true, will it not be consistent with
good policy to seize it and distribute it among the regi-
ments for the use of the officers, — about thirty or forty
gallons for each regiment ? This would give a temporary
relief, and the present dissatisfaction seems to be so great,
it is absolutely necessary to take some measures, if possible,
to silence as many of the complaints as may be. Colonel
Abeel has just returned from Bethlehem, and says there are
sixteen hogsheads of spirits at that place belonging to the
old commissary department ; it is in the hands of Mr.
Oakley, and was sent there by Mr. Ervin. Colonel Abeel
thinks it will be disposed of for private property, if not sent
for immediately. Colonel Abeel also observes there are
great quantities of whiskey sent into the Jerseys at Easton,
and that a full supply might be had for the use of the army
if some person was sent there to seize." ^
A severe commentary this upon the Commissary
department, and forming, with Washington's letter
^ Greene Papers, January, 1778.
1778.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 543
of the 22d of December, a picture that might well
have made Tories exult and Whigs tremble. It
was evident that this state of things could not con-
tinue much longer. " Unless some great and capi-
tal change suddenly takes place in that line, this
army must inevitably be reduced to one or other
of these three things, — starve, dissolve, or disperse,
in order to obtain subsistence in the best manner
they can." ^
To add to Greene's own discomforts, he was suf-
fering from " a very disagreeable pain in one of his
eyes." How he felt as he revolved all these things
in his mind he tells us himself, in a letter of Janu-
ary 3d to his brother Jacob : —
" Our army are tenting themselves ; they are almost
worn out with fatigue, and greatly distressed for want of
clothing, particularly the article of shoes and stockings.
The present mode of clothing the army will always leave
us without a sufficient supply. The change in the Com-
missary department has been a very distressing circum-
stance ; the army has been fed from hand to mouth ever
since Mr. Trumbull left it. Our operations have been
greatly retarded from the situation of the Commissary de-
partment. The Quartermaster-General's department also
has been in a most wretched condition. General Mifflin,
who ought to have been at the head of the business, has
never been with the army since it came into the State.
" The Congress have lately appointed Colonel Wilkin-
son to the rank of a brigadier, and Brigadier-General
Conway to the rank of major-general. Both these ap-
pointments are exceedingly disgusting to the army ; the
1 Sparks's Washington, Vol. V. p. 197.
544 LIFE OF NATILiN^VEL GREENE. [1778.
first to the colonels, the last to the brigadiers. The army
is exceedingly convulsed by these appointments, and God
knows what will be the issue ! Almost all the colonels in
the army will resign in conseq\ience of Wilkinson's ap-
pointment. General Gates is exceedingly blamed for rec-
ommending the measure.
" General Conway is a man of much intrigue and little
judgment. He is a great incendiary, of a restless spirit,
and always contriving to pufF himself off to the public as
an officer of great consequence. He left the army under
pretence of gohig to France, alleging for reason that there
was the greatest probability of a French war, and that he
should injure his interests by staying here. Everybody in
the army thought he was gone. But he stole away to
Congress, got in with some of the court faction to trumpet
his consequence to the Congress, and they hastily ap-
pointed him a major-general, to the prejudice of the briga-
diers, who, to a man, will resign their commissions if he
holds his rank and remains ii;i the army. This appoint-
ment ai)pears to have been obtained by such low artifices
that everybody despises him for it. The Marquis Lafay-
ette, and all the other French gentlemen, will hardly speak
to him. He is the greatest novice in war, in everything
but discij)lining a regiment, that ever I saw. He is by no
means of an enterprising military turn of mind, and of
very little activity. This is the true character of the man,
and yet he is palmed off upon the public, by little arts, as
the first military man upon the continent.
" Our cause is sure if we do not get divided among our-
selves. But there is great danger that we shall. Men of
great ambition, and without principle or virtue, will sac-
rifice everything to their private views. The army in
general has been very well united ; but I am afraid the
injudicious appointments made in Congress will ruin it.
" You mention my letter to Governor Cook, in which I
1778.J LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 545
pronounce the division in the British force as a fortunate
circumstance for America. The events of the campaign
have verified it. And had our force been equal to Gen-
eral Howe's, or at least as much superior as the Northern
army was to Burgoyne's, he must have shared the same
fate. But, alas ! we have fought with vastly superior
numbers, and, although twice defeated, have kept the field.
History affords but few examples of the kind. The peo-
ple may think there has not been enough done, but our
utmost endeavors have not been wanting. Our army,
with inferior numbers, badly found, badly clothed, worse
fed, and newly levied, must liave required good general-
ship to triumpli over superior numbers well found, well
clothed, well fed, and veteran soldiers. We cannot con-
quer the British force at once, but they cannot conquer
us at all. The limits of the British government in Amer-
ica are their out-sentinels.
" Reports prevail very strongly again of a French war.
I honestly confess to you I do not believe it, for France
can have no pretext for declaring war, and certainly it is
not the interest of Great Britain to do it. But, neverthe-
less, it may happen. I wish Congress may not be lulled
into security from their late successes to the North, and
their hopes of a French explosion. It is our business to
levy a new army as soon as possible ; each State to fur-
nish its proportion by a draft. Tliere is no such thing as
filling the army by voluntary enlistments as speedily as
■will be necessary to open the campaign to advantage.
Each State will be compelled hereafter to furnish clothing
for their own troops. The present mode of clothing the
army is ruinous. We have had three thousand soldiers
unfit for duty for want of clothing this fall and winter.
The Rhode Island troops iiave done themselves great
honor this campaign. Colonel Greene's character is in
high estimation. Major Thayer distinguished himself at
35
546 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1778.
Fort Mifflin, and has acquired universal applause. Your
troops are trenerally exceedingly well officered from the
northward this year. General Gates is a child of fortune ;
the successes to the northward are all glorious. General
Arnold and General Lincoln are in high esteem ; and it
is said General Burgoyne gives Arnold the credit for the
successes obtained over him.
" I am happy that the work is but done. I do not care
who does it. But I should like to have a hand in the
miscliief.
" I have no hope of coming home this winter ; the Gen-
eral will not grant me permission. Mrs. Greene is coming
to camp. We are all going into log-huts, — a sweet life
after a most fatiguing campaign."
A few days later we find him once more address-
ing Congress upon the subject of promotions ; not
for his own sake, for the elevation of Conway and
Wilkinson left his rank uninvaded, but for the
army's sake, and the sake of sound principles.
It was a delicate subject to touch upon, with Du
Coudray's affair so fresh in the memory of Con-
gress. Nothing was easier than to raise the cry of
military dictation, and hold him up to the country
as undertaking to give law to the civil authority.
All this he knew, and, weighing it carefully in his
own mind, decided that his duty required of him
a frank and full statement of the question. It is
more than probable that, before putting hand to
his pen, he took counsel with Washington, even if
it was not at Washington's suggestion that he
wrote.
" I would take the liberty," he writes, " of addressing
1778.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 547
Congress, through you, upon a subject which appears to
me of great importance ; and which, in my opinion,
deserves the most serious attention. It is the present
prevaihng discontent among the officers in two capital
lines of the army ; to wit, the colonels and brigadiers.
I am to say this discontent has arisen to such a height,
and is so general, as to forebode the most alarming con-
sequences.
" This dissatisfaction proceeds principally from some
promotions which have taken place lately, by which the
officers in those lines respectively conceive themselves
most materially and essentially injured in their rank ; the
first more particularly in the promotion of Colonel Wil-
kinson, the last in that of Brigadier-General Conway to
the rank of major-general. They feel the force of the
injury doubly in these instances from being superseded by
those who had served in subordinate stations. I cannot
pretend to say upon what principle those gentlemen were
promoted ; but I doubt whether the advantages resulting
from their rise will answer the flattering expectations of
Congress in their appointments. I do not wish to lessen
their merit, but I believe it is generally thought their
promotions have been to the prejudice of others at least
as deserving as themselves, and who had superior claims
in every other point of view.
" The officers of the army say they engaged in the^
service of their country, not only from a sense of duty as
citizens, but with the fullest confidence that the justice of
Congress would secure to them their rank, and the right
of promotion according to the rules which prevail in all
well-regulated armies. If they conceive these principles
to be violated, if they lose their confidence in the justice
of Congress, it is easy to foresee the fatal effects that will
result. Military ardor will languish ; a spirit of enter-
prise will cease ; men of honor will decline the service ;
548 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1778.
art and cabal will succeed, and low intrigue will be the
characteristic and genius of the army.
" I am persuaded, Sir, the army is not blind to merit,
neitiicr are they averse to measures calculated to promote
their true political interest, the interest and happiness of
their country ; the former they wish to be rewarded, and
the latter ever attended to. But with difficulty they will
be brouglit to confess merit in officers from their appoint-
ment wiiich never has been discovered in the field.
" That the Congress should have the power to reward
is acknowledged by all, and that great political reasons
will justify the introducing officers in some instances, and
promoting them in others out of the common line, none
can deny. However, merit and the reasons of state in
such cases should be obvious. If they are not, the pro-
motion will be viewed with disgust. Under the above dis-
tinction I am happy to mention the Marquis de Lafayette.
This nobleman's generous, disinterested conduct, his sac-
rifices to our cause, and his great merit, gave him a just
claim to an honorable notice.
" I have delivered my sentiments with great candor on
this important occasion ; the subject demanded it, duty
required it. I am not personally affected by the injuries
complained of, nor am I immediately interested in any
manner but as a man whose only wish is to promote the
Jiappiness of his country." ^
How serious the question was Congress had a
present opportunity of judging, fiDr letters from nine
brigadiers were read on the same day with Greene's,
the 10th, and Washington's opinion was known to
accord with theirs. Still, the faction of which I have
1 Greene Papers, Letter to President of Congress, Valley Forge, January
12, 1778.
1778.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 549
already spoken, and soon shall have occasion to
speak agam, was at its height. Conway had many
friends in Congress : Gates had just been put at the
head of the Board of War ; Wilkinson had been
appointed Secretary. The letters were ordered to
lie upon the table ; and as the war went on Greene
had reason, on more than one occasion, to believe
that his letter at least was neither forgotten nor
forgiven.
The question of the army was daily becoming
more urgent. The system of short enlistments had
been abandoned. It had been resolved henceforth
to engage men for three years or for the war. But
when the remedy came, the evils of the original
organization had swollen to alarming proportions.
Not the least of those evils was tiie reliance placed
upon the militia, who, coming out for short terms of
service, brought with them to camp the indepen-
dence of civil life, wasting in a few weeks supplies
that would have carried disciplined men through a
campaign, and deterring hundreds from enlisting
in the regular army by the high prices which they
paid for substitutes.^ A deep-seated discontent was
spreading among the officers of every rank. " No
day, nor scarce an hour passes," wrote Washington
in December, " without the offer of a resigned com-
mission." ^ When the war began an officer's pay
was sufficient for all his wants ; but now, the frugal
1 How unfavorably this impressed foreign officers may be seen by a letter
of De Kalb in Kapp's Life of that general, p. 130,
. 2 Sparks's Washington, Vol. V. p. 20L
550 LIFE OF NATnANAEL GREENE. [1778.
De Kalb tolls us that with all his economy he " had
to pay his host two hundred and forty-two francs for
a fortnight's supply of milk." ^ Depreciation was
already within twelve months of the point when
a member of Congress was " asked four hutidred
dollars for a hat, three hundred for a pair of leather
breeches, one hundred and twenty-five for a pair
of shoes, and a suit of clothes sixteen hundred." ^
Roused at length by the remonstrances of the Com-
mander-in-chief, Congress took the matter seriously
in hand, and sent a committee of six of its members
to camp with full powers to examine the subject and
propose the necessary reforms.^ Two of Greene's
personal friends. Reed and Gouverneur Morris, were
on this committee ; on which we find another name
familiar to the statesmen and lawyers of that day,
— Francis Dana, familiar to the men of the last and
the present generation by the poetical honors of his
son, and the literary and professional honors of his
grandson. Washington, having collected, as was
his custom, the opinions of his general officers, and
carefully considered them, laid the result before the
committee in an elaborate report upon the state of
the army.*
Meanwhile, the people of Rhode Island were
living in constant alarm from the continued occu-
pation of Newport and the Island by the enemy.
General Spencer, whose failure in the projected
1 f7l sup. 1.14. 3 See Journals of Congress, 1778,
2 Life of Samuel Adams, Vol. IIL January 10, 13, and 20.
p. .51, a work of great interest and * Sparks's Washington, Vol. V. p.
value. 525, and note. ♦
1778.] UFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 551
expedition of the preceding summer, had given rise
to serious doubts of his quahfications for so im-
portant a command, liad sent in his resignation, and
Congress accepting it with suggestive promptness,
resolved that his place should immediately be filled
by an officer of equal rank. Governor Cooke and his
advisers naturally fixed their eyes upon Greene.^
" Governor Cooke wrote me a few days since," he
writes to his brother Jacob on the 7th of February, " a
most alarming letter respecting the situation of Rhode
Island. Mr. Ellery ^ proposed to me to take the command
tliere, provided it was agreeable to his Excellency ; but
he is totally averse to the measure. General Spencer has
resigned : who will take the command I know not. I wish
General Sullivan may, as I can think of no person who will
do it more justice. I am in hopes to prevail on the Gen-
eral to let the Rhode Island troops return liome and there
continue until the enemy leaves the State. I flatter my-
self they will fill up their ranks very soon if they go home
with that understanding." ^
All this while the army was still living from hand
to mouth, one day without bread, angther without
meat, and often *upon the verge of finding them-
selves without either meat or bread.* Washington
had been invested with extensive powers to lay the
country under contribution, but was reluctant to
use them.^ The inhabitants over a wide circuit and
1 Journals of Congress, Januan* * Washington to Governor Clinton.
13, 1778. Sparks, Vol. V. p. 240.
2 William EUery, who, upon the * Washington to President of Con-
death of Samuel Ward, had been gress. — Sparks, Vol. V. p. 209.
chosen to take his place in Congress. For the feeling of Congress, com-
2 See also a lettef of February 5, pare Journals of Congress, December
■ 1778, to Governor Cooke. 10, 1777.
552 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. L1778.
all around the camp were deeply disaffected, and
consequently unwilling to give their cattle and
crrain for American certificates when thev could
always get British gold for them at Philadelphia/
Never since the retreat through the Jerseys had the
disaffection seemed so wide-spread or so alarming;
never had the army been so close upon dissolution.
Washington resolved to send out a large party, and
seize by the strong hand whatever could not be
had by purchase. Greene was put in command of
it, — a painful duty ; but from the beginning of the
contest he had held that war was a state of violence,
subject to laws of its own, and they who were not
for their country w^ere against her. How vigorously
he acted up to this princijDle his own letters show.
" We are posted at this place," he writes from head-
quarters,— Springfield Meeting-house, February 14, 1778,^
— '• and purpose to collect all the cattle, carriages, &c.,
<fec., in and about the neighborhood to-day ; to-morrow
we purpose to take post at one Edwards's, about six miles
in our rear. We have ordered all the collections made
to-day to EdwaVds's Tavern to-night. I must beg you to
exert yourself in obtaining forage, otherwise the business
will go on slow. Tell all the wagoners and the officers
that have the superintendence of the wagons that I will
punish the least neglect with the greatest severity. You
must forage the country naked, and, to prevent their com-
plaint of the want of forage, we must take all their cattle,
i Sparks'sLifeofGouvcrneurMor- Sparks's Washington, Vol. V. p.
ris. Morris to Jay, Vol. I. p. 154. 222.
Reed to President Wharton. Life of - Probably to Colonel Biddlc,
Jo.seph Reed, Vol. I. p. 3.")8. Wash- among -whose papers tlie original
ington to Colonel W. Stewart. — was found, though without address.
1778.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 553
sheep, and horses fit for the use of the armj. Let us hear
from you and know how you go on."
Reports come in, but not as favorable reports as
he had hoped for. At half past three of the same
day he again writes to Colonel Biddle : —
" I received two letters from you within an hour past.
I am very sorry to find so small a collection of wagons.
Search the country through and' through. Mount your
pressing parties on horses for expedition's sake. Harden
your lieart and despatch business as fast as possible. I
have got many parties out collecting wagons, horses, cattle,
hogs, and sheep. The wagons I shall forward to you as
fast as they come in. We have made considerable collec-
tion of horses, and I tliink it will be best to send them to
camp to-night, that as many wagons may be rigged out as
possible, to come on for forage.
" I think I shall move from this position to-night or to-
morrow morning ; we are in the midst of a d — d nest of
Tories, and as we are in the neighborhood of the enemy, a
change of position becomes necessary for security's sake."
He did not change his position, however, till the
■ next day, and in the course of the morning he
wrote to Washington : —
" We are in want of some of the deputy quartermaster-
generals to conduct the business of that department ;
please to send us one. I received two letters from Col-
onel Biddle; he has got but few wagons; the inliabitants
conceal them ; the Colonel complains bitterly of the disaf-
fection of the people. I sent out a great number of small
parties to collect the cattle, liorses, &c., yesterday, but the
collection was inconsiderable ; the country is very much
drained; the inhabitants cry 'out and beset me from all
654 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENR [1778.
quarters ; but like Pharaoh I harden my heart. Two men
were taken up carrying in provisions to the enemy yester-
day morning. I gave them a hundred each by way of
example. I have sent off all the cattle, sheep, and horses.
I will send on the forage and all further collections that
may be made as fast as possible. I determine to forage
the country very bare. Nothing shall be left unat-
tempted.
" As provision will be scarce, especially of the meat
kind, if the commissaries could purchase a quantity of
sugar, the troops, with wheat, might make a fermity ; a
diet that would contribute to their health, be palatable
and nourishing to the troops. I think it would be a
very good substitute for meat, and not much more expen-
sive if any.
" Lieutenant-Colonel Ballard was out on a forasrinor
business yesterday down about Derby, and got intelligence
that the enemy's bridge (was) being removed, and that it
was with difficulty they relieved their guards, being some
hours about it. He solicited a party to attempt the
guard ; upon his earnest entreaty I granted his request.
Enclosed is his report, by which you will see the attempt
was unsuccessful.
" I hope the committee of Congress will not lose sight
of Colonel Cox ; there is no man will serve their purpose
better. Your Excellency may remember I named Mr.
Lott for that department ; please to name him to the com-
mittee."
From this closing paragraph it would seem that
the negotiations which placed him — sorely^ against
his will — at the head of the quartermaster-gen-
eral's department were already begun.
In the evening of the same day he wrote to
1778.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GEEENE. 555
Washington again from his new quarters at Provi-
dence Meeting-Hoiise. His foraging parties were
still out scouring the country ; but says he : —
" I am afraid there will be nothing considerable, as the
country appears much drained. Hay is the plentifuUest
article that tliere is In the country ; sixty or seventy tons
may be had in this neighborhood To-morrow we
shall mount a press party on horses to press wagons the
back of Brandywine. The inhabitants hereabouts if they
have any wagons or harness they conceal them."
Ballard's attempt, though unsuccessful, seems to
have been well planned and judiciously conducted.
Even a partial success at this moment would have
bad a good moral effect upon the army, and was
well worth the trial.
" I am sorry," he writes to Greene, " to inform you that
my scheme has proved ineffectual ; the enemy had by
some means got knowledge of our march ; indeed, we saw
a light-horseman ride on to give the news when we had
approached within about five hundred yards. We then
pushed on as hard as possible, but found them secured in
the stone house. They began a very heavy fire before, we
got within one hundred yards, which was very warmly re-
turned on our part till we got within fifty yards, but con-
ceiving it impracticable to force them out of the house, I
ordered my men to retreat. They behaved exceeding
brave, and would, I believe, have attempted staving the
doors. Major Cable's party, who went on the lower side
next the Schuylkill, fell in with a small party ; he thinks
he killed several of them. The poor fellows are exceed-
ing fatigued, and would be glad of some whiskey. I di-
rected the officers of each respective corps to make out a
556
LIFE OF AATIIAN.VEL GREENR
[17V8.
rctiini for wliis-key. Many of them say tliey have n't had
a mouthful of meat these four days. I am so worsted I
cannot wait upon you at your quarters. My party met
with hut little loss, four or five slightly wounded, and I
believe one or two killed."
On the IGth Greene ao;ain writes to Washino-ton,
the pen having now to take the place of the daily
intercourse of camp.
" I received your Excellency's answer by Colonel Ham-
ilton to mine of yesterday morning. I wrote you again
last evening proposing the burning the hay on the Jersey
shore, also another forage in Bucks County. Upon re-
volving the matter over in my mind, I think the following
would be the best plan to execute it upon. Wagons can-
not be got in this country, and to attempt to C9llect them
in Bucks County will explain our intentions too early
for the safety of the party. I would, therefore, propose a
press-warrant to be sent to Colonel Smith at Lancaster,
and for him to apply to the executive council for a hun-
dred wagons to be got ready in three days ; and in case
they don't furnish them by that time, that Colonel Smith
collect the wagons with his press-warrant ; but if your
Excellency thinks our situation will justify dispensing with
an aj)plication to the executive council, the press-warrant
will be the most speedy and certain method of getting the
complement of wagons seasonably. These wagons, when
collected, to be loaded with forage in some of the best hay
towns l)etween camp and Lancaster, and upon their arri-
val in camp to be immediately taken upon a forage into
Bucks County. The business in this way can be con-
ducted with so much secrecy and despatch that it will be
difficult for the enemy to defeat it.
" I will do everything in my power here, but the face
1778.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 557
of the country is strongly marked with poverty and dis-
tress. All of the cattle, and most of the best horses, have
been carried into the city. Tlie few Whigs that are here
say there has been great numbers drove ah)ng for Phil-
adelphia market. We take all the liorses and cattle, hogs
and sheep fit for use ; but the country has been so gleaned,
that there is but little left in it.
" Your Excellency's letter of tliis day tliis moment
came to hand. I had given orders to all the press parties
to bring the inhabitants prisoners that concealed their
cattle or carriages, and examples shall not be wanting to
facilitate the business I am out upon.
" Captain Lee this moment writes of the increasing
distress of the army for want of provisions. God grant
we may never be brought to such a wretched condition
again. General Wayne will cross over into the Jerseys
from Wilmington, to execute the design of destroying the
liay and driving in all the stock from the shores, which
he proposes to forward on to camp by the shortest and
safest route. Bat this will not afford an immediate re-
lief. I shall send into camp this night everything I can
collect. By this detachment my party will be much
diminished. Great numbers have already been sent home
that have fallen sick and got their feet sore in marching.
I think it will be best, therefore, to send two of my field-
officers to camp, they being altogether useless to me."
" I sent to camp yesterday," he writes from Providence
Meeting-house on the 17th, " near fifty head of cattle.
I wish it had been in my power to have sent more ; but
the inhabitants have taken the alarm, and concealed their
stock in such manner that it is difficult finding any.
They have done the same with their wagons and har-
ness. Our poor fellows are obliged to search all the
woods and swamps without success. I have given orders
558
LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE.
[1778.
«
to give no receipts for anytliing they find concealed, and
to notify the people accordingly.
" Colonel Harmer is gone with a party on the back of
the forks of the Brandywine, a little above the route of tlie
enemy. General Wayne is gone to Wilmington in order
to cross over into the Jerseys ; but if the ice won't per-
mit him to pass, he is to make a large circuit, and come
in by the way of Goshen. Colonel Spencer is gone to the
township of Goshen, to rendezvous at the meeting-house,
to collect cattle, &c. I shall continue here until the im-
pressed wagons, and all those from camp are loaded ; but
I am afraid there will be but few to what our wants
demand, and what might be loaded here with hay.
Grain there is but little to be got.
" The business I am upon is very disagreeable ; but I
should be happy in executing it, if our success was equal
to our wants. The teams that come into camp, that are
not for the ordinary duties of it, should never be suf-
fered to continue there all night, if it can possibly be
avoided. If ihey can get only a few miles into the
country, they can get forage for their cattle. The trans-
portation has become one of the most difficult parts of
the business of foraging, for forage is really plentier than
teams. AVe have collected a considerable number of
horses ; but the officers, in spite of everything I can say
to them, will bring in many that are unfit for our pur-
pose. All such we shall notify the inhabitants to come
and take them again. The Wliigs here are afraid to give
any information respecting the Tories for fear that when
we are gone they will be carried prisoners into Phil-
adelphia.
" I am afraid we have lost one of our small parties
that was sent out to collect cattle from Springfield
meeting-house. The party was sent from Colonel Shep-
pard's division, commanded by one Romsdell (an ex-
1778.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 559
ceeding good officer, Colonel Sheppard says), and con-
sisted of twenty odd men ; they went out day before
yesterday morning and have never returned. How they
could have fallen into the enemy's hands I can't im-
magine, for I have never heard of their being out.
" I think the officer must have got lost, and fallen in
with the enemy's picket at the Ferry, before he knew
where he was. Or else his men must have made him a
prisoner, and carried in to the enemy, which I don't
think improbable, for most of his party were Virginia
convicts.
" If the enemy had been out and attacked him, it 's
ten to one but some of the party might have got off.
It 's possible the soldiers might kill the officer and go in
themselves ; but by what means he or his party has
fallen into the enemy's hands I am not able to con-
jecture ; but I am well convinced they have by their
not returning, and by an account I have from the city of
such a party being marched through it, the evening of
the day they went out. The intelligence says there was
no officer with the men, which makes me apprehend foul
play ; but it 's all conjecture.
" Colonel Ballard's report did not prove true ; there
was not a man of his killed ; five were slightly wounded ;
he killed one Hessian, and mortally wounded another ;
two of his men on their march deserted.
" The enemy are getting ready for a grand forage
somewhere. The inhabitants think, from many circum-
stances, they intended it on this side, but I imagine
they will alter their plan now, if they designed it before.
I have no doubt of Bucks County being their object.
We have burnt all the hay upon Tinewin Island, and
the other little islands about it. The quantity was very
considerable ; we got a number of very good horses from
all the islands."
5G0 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1778.
nis miiul was soon relieved from its appre-
hensions for the safety of Romsdell and his party,
as we see by a letter of the next day : —
" I wrote your Excellency yesterday, that I was afraid
we had lost one of our small parties, but they came in a
few minutes after I sent the letter off. Has there been
any great desertions from camp, or any report of prison-
ers made on the other side of the Schuylkill ?
" I am persuaded there was some of our prisoners
paraded for some purpose. If there has been no report
of any being lately taken, they have paraded some of
our prisoners from the jails, to make the inhabitants be-
lieve they had taken a considerable part of the party that
attacked their picket.
" The time for which I came out expires to-night ; but
as the foraging business has been greatly obstructed for
want of wagons, it will be necessary for me to continue
a few days longer. I wish to know your Excellency's
pleasure respecting the matter, that I may govern myself
accordingly.
" I am told by the inhabitants that one Mr. James,
that lives a few miles from this place, has enlisted near a
hundred men from this county. There has gone fifteen
from the town of Goshen. This corps is for cavalry.
Most of them have found m*eans to get horses. These
are the reports of the Whigs here.
" I am persuaded there has been too little attention
paid to the branding the Continental horses. Brands
would prevent their being stolen or exchanged ; but the
wagon-masters must be strictly forbid exchanging the
branded horses for others only for a temporary relief, —
both parties often suffer by the exchange, — the country-
man often has his branded horse taken from him ; and
the wagoner sells the other, or sends it away by some of
1778.] LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. 561
his comrades after a few days' service. Indeed, I think if
every horse that belongs to the Continental teams that
fails upon the road, and others pressed to supply their
places, were immediately branded and paid for, the con-
tinent would be subject to less expense than they now
are, and the inhabitants receive less injury. One of the
wagon-masters told me there were forty or fifty teams ex-
pected into this neighborhood from camp last night. I
am very glad of it, as few are to be got about here."
And now this painful duty was nearly fulfilled.
One letter from Providence Meeting-house on the
20th, and he returns to camp.
" General Wayne wrote me last evening that all his
troops had crossed over the river Delaware into the Jer-
seys. He intends to collect all the stock and burn all the
hay along the river that will be within the reach of the
enemy. If he executes the business effectually, the only
chance the enemy will have for foraging will be between
Schuylkill and the Delaware. I am told there is consid-
erable hay upon the Delaware, at a place called Point-no-
point, which may be burnt. The enemy have got a great
part of it away, but there is still remaining a large quan-
tity. It would be well worth while to attempt to destroy
it, for everybody that comes from the city agrees they
are very short of forage.
" Colonel Biddle wrote me last evening he had
loaded forty wagons yesterday. We want nothing but
wagons to make a grand forage ; there is great plenty of
hay a little below Marcus Hook. Captain Lee was at
Wilmington yesterday. He said he was out after cattle.
Colonel Spencer wrote me from Goshen last night there
was but few cattle to be got there. I have not heard
from Colonel Harmer since he set off for the forks of the
36
5G2 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENK [1778.
Braiulywine, but have heard of cattle going to camp from
that quarter, and therefore suppose they were sent by
him. ]\Iany people in this county refuse certificates for
tlieir horses and cattle. The next move I make from
here I shall order home all the troops except one division ;
they will be so remote from the enemy that there will be
little or no danger from them, and the country will be
pretty well gleaned. One division wdll be a sufficient
cover against any attempt from their light-horse, and
they will be too remote for the foot to attempt anything
by surprise.
" I have quartered the troops constantly in houses, (so)
that they have suffered very little, — only from the heavy
marches they have gone through in collecting cattle,
&c."
And thus ended Greene's first forage.
" I have just returned," he writes to Knox on the 26th
of February, " from foraging in Chester and its environs.
My orders were to collect all the horses fit for cavalry or
draft, the cattle, sheep, and hogs fit for killing, together
with the carriages and harness fit for Continental use.
I executed my orders with the greatest fidelity. I was
out ten or eleven days, which prevented my writing you
by the last post.
" I must beg your pardon for not writing you before,
but I have put it off from time to time to learn the de-
termination of the committee of Congress respecting the
establishment of the army. The matter is now gone to
Congress, and I believe strongly recommended by the
committee, but I am well persuaded from many circum-
stances that it will be rejected.
" A mystical darkness has spread over the councils of
America and prevents her counsellors from seeing her
true interest.
1778.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 663
" The army has been in great distress since you left it ;
the troops are getting naked, and they were seven days
without bread. Such patience and moderation as they
manifested under their sufferings does the liighest lienor
to the magnanimity of the American soldiers. The
seventh day they came before their superior officers and
told their sufferings in as respectful terms as if they had
been humble petitioners for special favors ; they added
that it would be impossible to continue in camp any
longer without support. Happily, relief arrived from the
little collections I had made and some others, and pre-
vented the army from disbanding. We are still in dan-
ger of starving ; the commissary's department is in a
most wretched condition, the quartermaster's in a worse.
Hundreds and hundreds of our horses have actually
starved to death. The committee of Congress have seen
all these things with their own eyes."
CHAPTER XXV.
Momentary Relief of the Army. — Greene's daily Duties. — Social
Life in Camp. — Lafayette, Steuben, Duponceau, De Kalb, Fleury,
&c. — Appearance of the Encampment. — What Men talked about.
— Rhode Island's Negro Regiment. — Steuben's Arrival and first
Steps in disciplining the Army.
■j^OK the moment the army was reUeved. " I
-*- have heard lately by persons from the army,"
writes William Greene of Warwick, soon after Gov-
ernor of Rhode Island, " that they are now well
fed, which has afforded me much satisfaction, as I
am convinced, and that long since, that, under God,
our all depends (upon) making them comfortable,
so as to create in them a cheerful inclination to
carry on our reasonable and very necessary de-
fence." ^ Still, the relief was but momentary, and,
glad as Greene was to escape from the unwelcome
duty of foraging, his feelings were still severely
tried by the sight of sufferings which he could
not alleviate. The daily round of his duties even
was not without annoyance, for it brought him
into daily contact with evils which he had foreseen
from the beginning, and constantly though vainly
striven to avert. But there was work to do, and
he was " never so happy as when " at work.
1 Letter of Governor Greene to General Greene, March 6, 1778.
1778.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 565
Every fourth day he was officer of the day,-*^ with
posts to visitj orders to issue and superintend, and
reports to make and receive. Then, too, there
were councils of • war, courts-martial, and, withal,
the special duties of his own division. Even the
laborious De Kalb complained that he had hardly
a free hour.^ Most of this, however, was routine
work, with nothing in it to satisfy a mind that loved
thought. But for that higher element of his
nature he found abundant occupation in his re-
lations with Washington, which required him to
study all the questions of administration and or-
ganization from that comprehensive j)oint of view
to which he was naturally led by his fondness for
political science and its applications in history.
Of the nature of this daily communication some
idea, as I have already said, may be formed from
his letters to Washington during their occasional
separations ; and it was doubtless in part from
the opportunity of witnessing these communica-
tions, which his own confidential relations to the
Commander-in-chief gave him, that Hamilton was
led to form that exalted estimate of Greene's intel-
lectual powers of which he has left so emphatic an
expression in his eulogy.^
But even Valley Forge had its recreations.
" Several general officers are sending for their
•wives," writes Lafayette to his own, '' and I envy
them, not their wives, but the hajopiness of being
1 Kapp's De Kalb, p. 128. 3 Hamilton's Works, Vol. II. p.
2 Utmp. 482.
566 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1778.
^vllere they can see tliem."^ Mrs. Greene bad
joined her husband early in January, bringing with
her her summer's acquisition, a stock of French,
that quickly made her little parlor the favorite
resort of foreign officers.^ There was often to be
seen Lafayette, not yet turned of twenty-one,
though a husband, a father, and a major-general ;
graver somewhat in his manners than strictly be-
longed either to his 3'ears or his country ; and
loved and trusted by all, by Washington and
Greene especially. Steuben, too, was often there,
wearing his republican uniform, as, fifteen years
before, he had worn the uniform of the despotic
Frederick ; as deeply skilled in the ceremonial of
a court as in the manoeuvring of an army ; with a
glittering star on his left breast, that bore witness
to the faithful service he had rendered in his native
Germany; and revolving in his accurate mind
designs which were to, transform this mass of
physical strength which Americans had dignified
with the name of army into a real army which
Frederick himself might have accepted. He had
but little English at his command as yet, but at
his side there was a mercurial young Frenchman,
Peter Duponceau, who knew how to interpret both
his graver thoughts and the lighter gallantries
with which the genial old soldier loved to season
his intercourse with the wives and daus^hters of his
new fellow-citizens. As the years passed away,
1 Lafayette Memoirs, Vol. I. p. raoirs, MSS., communicated to me
1^7. by Mr. Kapp.
- Extracts from Duponceau's Me-
1778.] LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. 567
Duponceau himself became a celebrated man, and
loved to tell the story of these checkered days.
Another German, too, De Kalb, was sometimes seen
there, taller, statelier, graver than Steuben, with
the cold, observant eye of the diplomatist, rather
than the quick glance of the soldier, though a sol-
dier too, and a brave and skilful one ; carino- verv
little about the cause he had forsaken his noble
chateau and lovely wife to fight for, but a great
deal about the promotion and decorations which
his good service here was to win him in France ;
for he had made himself a Frenchman, and served
the King of France, and bought him French lands
and married a French wife. Alreadv before this
war began, he had come hither in the service of
France to study the progress of the growing dis-
content ; and now he was here again an American
major-general, led partly b^^ the ambition of rank,
partly by the thirst of distinction, but much, too,
by a certain restlessness of nature, and longing
for excitement and action, not to be wondered at
in one who had fought his way up from a butlership
to a barony .'^ He and Steuben had served on op-
posite sides during the Seven Years' War, though
born both of them on the same bank of the Rhine ;
and thouo;h when Steuben first came De Kalb
was at Albany, yet in May they must have met
more than once. How did they feel towards each
other, the soldier of Frederick and the soldier of
Louis ? If we had known more about this, we
1 Kapp's De Kalb, p. 2.
568 LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. [1778.
should have known better, perhaps, why Lafayette,
a fast friend of De Kalb, speaks of " the methodic
mediocrity"^ of Steuben, and Steuben of the
"vanity and presumption" of the young major-
general.
In the same circle, too, was the young Fleury
wdiom we have seen bearing himself so gallantly at
Fort JMifflin, and who, a year after, was to render
still more brilliant service at Stony Point ; and the
Marquis de la Eouerie, concealing his rank under
the name of Armand, and combating an unsuccess-
ful love by throwing himself headlong into the
tumult of war ; ^ and Mauduit Duplessis, w^hose skill
as an engineer had been proved at Red Bank, and
who about this time was brevetted Lieutenant-
Colonel, at Washington's recommendation, for " gal-
lant conduct at Brandywine and Germantown," and
" distinguished services at Fort Mercer," and " a
degree of modesty not always found in men who
have performed brilliant actions," ^ but whom
neither modesty nor gallantry could save fi^om a
fearful death at San Domingo ; and Gimat, aid
to Lafayette now, but who afterwards led La-
fayette's van as colonel in the successful assault
of the British redoubts at Yorktown ; and La
Colomlic, who was to serve Lafoyette faithfully
in France as he served him here; and Ternant,
distinguished in America, France, and Holland,
but who this year rendered invaluable service to
1 Lafayette Memoirs, Vol. I. p. 49. 214, and Journals of Congress, Janu-
"^ Ibi.l., 74. ary 19, 1778.
• Sparks's Washington, Vol. V. p.
1778.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 569
American discipline by his aid in carrying out
the reforms of Steuben. Kosciusko was in the
North, but Poland had still another representa-
tive, the gallant Pulaski, who had done good
service during the last campaign, and who the
very next year was to lay down his life for us
at the siege of Savannah.
Washington, too, and his wife were often seen in
this evening circle, — not the grave, cold Washing-
ton of some books, but a human being, who knew
how to laugh heartily and smile genially ; and the
courtly Morris and the brilliant Reed were there,
and Charles Carrol, who was to outlive them nearly
all ; and Knox, whom Greene loved as a brother,
and Hamilton and Laurens, as often as their duty
would j)ermit ; and Wayne and Varnum and Sul-
livan, and many others of whom history tells, with
some of whom she has kept no record ; all equally
glad to escape, for a while, from stern duties and
grave cares to a cheerful fireside and genial con-
versation. There was no room for dancing in these
narrow quarters, but next winter at Morristown
we shall find a good deal of it, and see Washing-
ton dancing four hours with Mrs. Greene without
once sitting down.^ There were no cards either.
All games of chance had been prohibited early in
the war,^ and American officers, even if they had
had the means and inclination, had no opportunity,
to ruin themselves as the officers of Howe's army
were ruining themselves at Philadelphia this very
1 Greene Papers.
2 Sparks's Washington, Vol. III. p. 296, Vol. IV. p. 436.
570 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1778.
winter. But there was tea or coffee, and pleasant
conversation alwaj^s, and music often, no one who
had a uood voice bems; allowed to refuse a sono;.
Few could give more mterest to a story or life to
an anecdote than Mrs. Greene, and no one in those
evening circles could excel her in adapting her
subject and manner to the taste and manner of the
immediate listener.^ And thus ag-ain somewhat of
the gentleness of domestic life was shed over these
stern scenes of war, and somewhat of its cheerful-
ness brought into these narrow dwellings ; of
themselves " no gayer," writes Lafayette, " than a
duno;eon."^
Out of doors all was more like a dungeon still ;
for the bleak hills shut them in on one side, the
frozen river on the other. Out of the cold white
snow rose the leafless forest dark and spectral ; and
tlie wind swept in fierce gusts down the valley, or
sighed and moaned around the thatched roofs of
the huts. From the huts themselves came few
signs of life, but the smoke that swayed to and fro
over the chimneys at the will of the blast, and the
shivering sentinels at the officers' doors, and now
and then, as you passed along, a half-naked soldier
peering from a door, and muttering, in an ominous
1 I am fompc-Ilcd to rely somewhat — Mrs. Ellet's Women of the Rcvo-
upon family tradition for this sketch lution, Vol. I. p. 72.
of my grandmother ; hut the tradition - Lafayette's letter to his wife,
is uniform. The anecdote in Mrs. Memoirs, Vol. I. p. 143: "L'armee
Ellet's Women of the Uevolution, of Amerlcaine passera I'hiver sous dc
the "yountj lady wiio was resolved pctitcs baraques qui ne sont guere
not to like her," ha.s recently been plus gaies qu'un caehot."
confirmed to me by the lady herself.
1778.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 571
undertone, " No bread, no soldier." ^ If you ven-
tured within, hungry nakedness met you on the
threshold, or a foul and diseased air repelled you
from it. In the streets you would meet parties of
soldiers yoked together to little carriages of their
own contriving, and dragging their wood and pro-
visions from the storehouse to their huts.^ There
were regular parades, too, at guard mounting ; and
sometimes grand parades, in which you would see
men half naked holding their rusty firelocks with
hands stiffened with cold, and officers shielding
themselves from the cold in a kind of dressing-
gown made out of an old blanket or faded bed-
quilt.^
There were many things to talk about in this
dreary camp. There were rumors again of a
French w^ar. Burgoyne's defeat, perhaps, might
turn the trembling scale of European diplomacy,
and then how easy it would be to put an end to
the war with England. There was that never-
failing subject of discussion, the currency also, —
long since rapidly depreciating, and now hanging
apparently upon the brink of bankruptcy. The
Congress have at last agreed upon Articles of Con-
federation ; will the States adopt them, and submit
to a uniform system of taxation as the only sure
basis of national credit ? The Confess committee
was in camp, seeing with their own eyes what the
army suffered ; would they have the courage to fol-
1 Duponceau's Eeminiscences, ut to President of Congress, February
sup. 12,1778. Reed, Vol. I. p. 362.
2 Letter of Committee of Congress * Kapp's Steuben, p. 118.
572 LIFE OF NATHAN AEL GREENE. [1778.
low up the evil to its source and heal it ? Con-
gress was discussing the question of half-pay ; did
they, did the country even, see it in its true light ?
" I observe," writes Greene to one of his brothers,
" you think the spirit of patriotism is ready to expire in
the army among the officers from their demand to be put
upon half-pay. Can you think the obligation rests upon
those t'liat first engaged, to go through the dispute with-
out any further provision than a bare subsistence for the
time being ?
" If the dispute was just and necessary, then the obli-
gation rests upon all equally ; but if not, then there is no
obligation to support it. These being the simple and
natural principles upon which the question stands, take
into consideration the situation of the officers, and how
far their demands is founded in justice. The officers of
the army, at the beginning of the dispute, flew to arms,
regardless of their families or their fortunes, expecting at
the same time that peace and reconciliation would soon
take place. Few expected the dispute would be carried
to such extremity; but the contest has been growing
warmer and warmer from first to last, (so) that there
never has been the most distant opportunity to bring
about a reconciliation. If it is necessary to maintain our
camp, if our present safety and future happiness depend
upon its support, it is the duty and interest of every
individual to lend his aid ; then it becomes a common
obligation upon all. Why, therefore, should a few zeal-
ous officers be made a certain sacrifice for the common
good. Those that arc in the army are wasting their for-
tunes, impairing their constitutions, depriving themselves
of every domestic pleasure ; and if they continue a few
years longer in their present situation, what is to become
1778.] LIFE OF NATHANAEL GREENE. 573
of them after the war ? Out of business, ouj; of credit,
without connection in the way of trade, — military dis-
tinction or character to maintain, numerous acquaint-
ances contracted, without the means to be civil to them
hereafter, must render the condition of the officers in-
finitely more wretched than other parts of society. Is it
reasonable, that men should be exposed to all the hard-
ships of war, be constantly exposed to sudden death and
broken bones, without any compensation ? Is this making
the business of society equal ? There never was a nation
under the. sun, where a set of officers were left without
support after a long and cruel war, unless it was when all
the inhabitants did equal duty in the civil and military
departments. But, waiving the justice of their claim,
good policy demands the measure, for the continent can-
not support the war upon the present system."
This year, too, there was a new army to raise.
Rhode Island had undertaken, at the suggestion of
General Varnum, to enlist a negro battalion.
" The Rhode Island troops," Greene writes to his
brother, " have done themselves great honor ; the reputa-
tion of the officers is in high estimation. The soldiers of
the two regiments are put into one ; and Colonel Greene
and all his officers are coming home to recruit a negro
regiment. Will they succeed or not ? "
They did succeed ; and among my earliest recol-
lections of the soldiers of the Revolution is old
Ichabod,^ who lived to enjoy in the midst of ^ two
new generations, the honor he had won by the
side of their fathers. We may readily suppose
that there was no little speculation and conjecture
in camp about these new soldiers.
1 See Bartlett's Ehode Island Colonial Records, Vol. VIII. pp. 524, 641'
358, 359.
574 LIFE OF NATIIANAEL GREENE. [1778.
But wj^atever the numerical strength of the
army might be, they were to have at least the
strength of discipline. On the 23d of February
Baron Steuben reached Valley Forge. It was an
exciting day in the American camp. When his
approach was known, Washington rode out several
miles to meet him ; and on reaching the quarters
that had been assigned him, he found an officer
with twenty-five men stationed at the door as a
guard of honor. " I am only a volunteer," said Steu-
ben, and sought to decline the compliment. " Our
whole army," answered Washington, "would be
gratified to stand sentinel for such volunteers." ^ I
have already given a glimpse of the old soldier in
Mrs. Greene's evening circle ; but that which chiefly
made him welcome there, was the good sense and
good spirit with which he used his profound science
as a tactician. " Give me a plan of inspection," said
Washington ; and Frederick's old soldier, putting
off the pride of professional knowledge, set him-
self down to study the materials he was to work
with, and adapt his plan to his means. " I was
often obliged," says he, " to abandon ideas I had
formed. I was in want of information and advice,
and I was fortunate enough to find a few officers
of merit, who gave me every satisfaction. They
were General Greene, Colonel Laurens, and Colo-
nel Hamilton."^ Betwixt him and Greene it was
the beginning of a friendship which was to hold
firm till death. In a few days the plan was com-
1 Kapp, p. 105. 2 ibid.^ 124.
1778.] LIFE OF NATKIXAEL GREENE. 575
pleted and approved. Then began the application
of it, and it is easy to conceive the deep interest
with which the whole army watched its progress.
His first step was to draft from the line a hundred
and twenty men as a guard for the Commander-in-
chief and a school for himself And now if we
call to mind the English prejudice, which threw the
drilling of recruits upon sergeants as a drudgery
below the dignity of a commissioned officer, and
remember that it had been strictly imitated by the
Americans, we shall easily conceive the surprise
of the American officers when they saw a major-
general take a musket in his own hands and teach
his men how to manage it. It is easy, too, to con-
ceive the pride with which the men themselves
went through their lesson, repeating it doubtless to
their less fortunate comrades, day by day as they
learned it. " In a fortnight," says Steuben, " my
company knew perfectly how to bear arms, had a
military air, knew how to march, to form in col-
umn, deploy, and execute some little manoeuvres
with excellent precision." ^ Greene had seen the
British troops manoeuvre on Boston Common, and
the reo-iments under his immediate command had
been the best disciplined regiments in the army.
But here was a work begun which was to make
the whole army perfect in the most intricate
details of the Prussian system, — the most perfect
of all. More than one watchful hour must he have
passed at Steuben's side during these first days of
1 Kapp's Steuben, p. 126.
576 LIFE OF NATIL\NAEL GREENE. [1778.
the experiment. How successfully the work was
done Monmouth will show us next June. Mean-
while it was a pleasant and useful thing to talk
about in the leisure hours of camp.
/;
APPENDIX
37
APPENDIX I
GENEALOGY OF THE GREENE FAMILY,
FOUND AMONG THE PAPERS OF GENERAL GREENE.
John Greene, from Salisbury, in England, brought over
five children, — John,^ Peter,^ James,^ Thomas,^ and Mary ^ ;
and also brought over his wife : both buried at Conemicut farm.
John Greene settled at Providence, and was an original pro-
prietor. He came in the next company after Roger Williams.
After some time he moved to Warwick, at a place called Conem-
icut. Having lost his first wife, he returned to England and
married a second time. He was an original proprietor in War-
wick, so called since.
2d. His first son, John,^ Deputy Governor, married an Almy,
by whom he had four sons, — Peter,^ Job,^ Samuel,^ and Rich-
ard^: and four daughtei's, who married Pory, John Spencer,
Charles Holden, and Thomas Greene. Peter,^ the second son,
married and was soon after drowned, leaving no children.
James,^ the third son, married Deliverance Pottei", by whom
he had James,^ and two daughters, Sarah ^ and Mary^; both
married Reynolds. His second wife was an Anthony, from
Rhode Island, by whom he had Peter,^ Jabez,^ David,^ Jobn,^
and Elizabeth^; one married a Hull, name unknown.
Thomas,^ his fourth son, married a Barton, by whom he had
Thomas,^ Benjamin,^ Richard,^ and Nathaniel.^
Mary- married a Sweet, who was the father of all the hone-
setting Sweets.
John,^ his son Peter,^ married an Arnold, at Pawtuxet, by
whom he had Peter,* John,* William,* Stephen,* Elisha,* and
Barlow * ; also one daughter, who married Stephen Arnold at
Warwick.
580 APPENDIX.
Job,^ second son to John,- married a Sayles, by whom he had
Job,^ Christopher,* Daniel,* Philip,* Amy,* Mary,* Phoebe,* Catha-
rine,* and Deborah.*
Samuel,' third son of John,^ married a Gorton, by whom he
had Mary,* who married Thomas Fry ; William,* the Governor ;
Samuel,* and Benjamin.*
Richard,^ fourth son of John,- married a Sayles, by tv'hom he
had one son, named John, who married an Almy ; also five
daughters. — Andrey,* Almy,* Isbael,* Eleanor,* and Mary.*
James,* son of James,^ married Mary Fones, by whom he had
ten children, — Fones,* James,* Daniel,* Elisha,* John,* Jere-
miah,* and Samuel * ; Marcy, Deliverance, and Mary, one of
whom married John Holden, the other Resolved Rhodes.
Peter,® sou of James,- married a Slocum, who was afterwards
drowned at Pawtuxet Falls ; left several children.
Jabez,' son of James,^ married a Barton, by whom he had one
daughter, named Susannah, married to a Chadsey ; and six
sons, — James,* Jabez,* Nathaniel,* Benjamin,* Rufus,* and
John * ; Jabez married for his second wife Hannah Whitman,
by whom he had one daughter.
David,'^ son of James,- married a Slocum, by whom he had
one son, — David.* David * married a Barber for his second
wife, by whom he had two sons, — Jonathan and Joseph ; and
several daughters.
John,* son of James,'^ married an Allen, of Dartmouth, by
whom he had David,* James,* Increase,* and Job * ; and several
daughters.
Thomas,* son of Thomas," married Anna Greene, daughter of
Deputy John Greene, by whom he had one son, named John,
who lived at Potowomut ; and also several daughters.
Benjamin,* son of Thomas,^ married Susannah Holden, by
whom he had one son, Benjamin,* who married an Arnold, leav-
ing one daughter named Phoebe^; Susannah, who married Philip
Arnold ; Catharine, William Greene, afterwards Governor ;
Elizabeth, Jolin Fry ; ^Margaret, Pardon Tillinghast.
Richard,* son of Thomas,'-^ married a Carder, by whom he had
Richard,* who lived in Warwick; Thomas, in Bristol; and three
daughters, — Mary,* married Elisha Greene ; Elizabeth,* an
Allen, of Rhode Island ; and Welthan,* Jeremiah Lippitt.
APPENDIX. 581
Nathaniel,' son of Thomas, married a Gould, of Boston ; lived
and died there, leaving Thomas,* Nathaniel,* Rufus,* Benjamin,*
and William.*
Nathaniel* Greene, son of Jabez,^ married Phoebe Greene,
and had issue, — Benjamin,^ who was born seventh day of the
fifth month, about eleven o'clock in the morning, on the first day
of the week, 1734; Thomas,^ was born the eleventh day of
the ninth month, about five o'clock in the morning, 1735. My
wife Phcebe ^ died the eleventh day of third month, about two
o'clock in the afternoon, 1737. I was married to Mary IMott the
eighteenth day of second month, 1739. Our son Jacob ^ was
born the seventh day of the first month, 1740, about one or two
o'clock in the morning, on the sixth day of the week. Our
daughter Phoebe ^ was born the twentieth day of the first month,
1741, about four o'clock in the morning. Our daughter Phoebe
died [blank in original~\ day of eighth month, 1741. Our son
Nathanael ^ was born the twenty-seventh day of fifth month,
1742, about one or two o'clock in the afternoon of the third day
of the week. Our son William ^ was born the first day of the
ninth month, 1743, between four and five o'clock in the morning,
on the third day of the week. Our son Elihue ^ was born the
tenth day of the tenth month, 1746, between one and two o'clock
in the morning of the fourth day of the week. Our son Chris-
topher^ was born the third day of fifth month, 1748, about one
or two o'clock in the morning, on the first day of the week.
Our son Perry ^ was born the fifth day of the ninth month,
1749, about five o'clock in the morning, on the first day of the
week. My wife Mary died the seventh day of third month,
1753, new style, about seven or eight o'clock in the morning, on
the fourth day of the week.
This is the last entry in this table. The Genealogy of the
family has been written in full by General George Sears Greene,
to whose work I refer in advance all those who are interested in
these details. I give here the only addition that my own subject
requires.
Nathanael,^ son of Nathanael,* married Catharine Littlefield,
and had issue, — George Washington, Martha Washington, Cor-
nelia Lott, Nathanael Ray, Louisa Catharine, and a daughter
who died a few days after her birth.
582
APPENDIX.
George W. was drowned in Savannah River. He was never
married. Martha W. and Cornelia L. were twice married, and
left families. Louisa "C. was married, but had no children. Na-
tlianael Ray married Anna Maria Clarke and had issue, — Na-
thanael and George Wtiahington.
In the Potowomut branch the order of descent from the oriir-
inal emigrant is, — 1. John, the founder. 2. James. 3. Jabez.
4. Nathanael, the Quaker preacher. 5. Nathanael, the General.
GENEALOGY OF THE COWENT (wARWICK) BRANCH OF THE
GREENE FAMILY IN RHODE ISLAND.
1. John Greene, sen.,^ the founder of the family in New
England.
2. John Greene, jun., born in 1619 or 1620. Deputy Gov-
ernor of the Colony from 1690 to 1700. Died 27th Nov., 1708:
3. sSamuel, son of John, jun.,^ born 1670, died 1720.
4. William, son of Samuel, born 16th May, 1696. Lieut.-
Governor and Governor of the Colony for thirteen of the seven-
teen years between 1741 and 1758, in which latter year he died
in office.
5. William, son of William, born Aug. 16, 1731. Chief
Justice of the State of R. I. in 1777, and Governor from 1778
to 1785. Died Nov. 29, 1809.
6. Ray Greene, son of the second William, born Feb. 2, 1765,
Attorney-General and District Attorney for several years till
1797, when he was elected Senator in Congress, which office he
resigned in 1801. Died 11th Jan., 1849.
7. William, son of Ray, at present (1867) Lieut.-Governor
of Rhode Island.
APPENDIX II.
See page 344.
The following letter is still more important as an illustration
of the relations of Greene to Washington. I am indebted for a
copy of it to Mr. M. H. Welles, of Big Flats, N. Y.
Letter of General Washington to James Wilson, Esq.,
IN Congress, Philadelphia.
Head Qoarteks, Morris Town, 15th March, 1777.
Dear Sir,
')
Give me leave to introduce to your attention Major-General
Greene, who obliges me by delivering this. He is a gentleman
in whose abilities I place the most entire confidence. A long
acquaintance with him justifies me in this The danger
of communicating by letter, our present situation, and the indis-
pensable necessity of Congress knowing it, have compelled me,
though I can ill spare so useful an officer at this time, to send
him to Philadelphia His perfect knowledge of our
strength and of my opinion enables him to give Congress the
most satisfactory accounts they can desire.
I am, dear Sir,
Your most humble servant,
GEO. WASHINGTON.
end of vol. I.
Cambridge : Printed by Welch, Bigelow, & Co.
Maxhs h^ tljt Bmm %xit\jax.
< » ■ ■ >
HISTORICAL STUDIES, i vol. i2mo. G. P. Put-
nam. 1850,
BIOGRAPHICAL STUDIES, i vol. i2mo. G. P. Put-
nam. i860.
HISTORICAL VIEW OF THE AMERICAN REVO-
LUTION. I vol. I2mO. TiCKNOR AND FlELDS.
1864.
NATHANAEL GREENE : An Examination of Some
Passages in Mr. Bancroft's History of the United
States. 8vo. Ticknor and Fields. 1866.
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